God is Great. BUT Amar Singh is GREATEST. He is Omniscient, Omni Present and of course at a ‘price’ this Omni Fixer is bountiful too.

‘A friend in need is a friend in deed’, in-fact; was only and only for to prove that Shri Amar Singh is here for the rescue of friends, and rescued them he did.

“Yada yada he tou Phhase Jaye, Income tax Mare Chhappa,

Tadataman Sharan me Aaao meri, Bhar Kar Suitcase mein Paisa.

Kashat mein door Karoon Sab Ka, Aise Phenkoon Passa;

Apana Ullu tou Seedha ho; Tum log Bhi Dekho Tamasha’”

(Read it @ Kaka Hathrasi style)

Bolo Shri Amar Singh Maharaj ke JAI!

Offstumped here and Retributions too failed to understand the importance of Shri Shri Amar Singh Ji Maharaj. Come on man! After all Amitabh, Anil Ambani, Suborto Sahara and of course Mulayam too are not his ‘friends’ for nothing! And when need arose, even for the rescue of the almighty ‘Balidaan Moorti’ Ma Sonia and Dr. Economist MMS, came Shri Shri Amar Singh Ji Maharaj.

Yada Yada Hi CPI(M) sya, Galai-ni Bharv-ita Sonia

Pavitra –ye- Manmohan Naam,

Vinash – E – che BHAJAPA Kaam.

Secular-E-NaaM Sansthanpana-E

Sambhavimi Amar Mulayam Yug –E Yuge.

Sab 'Prem' se Bolo Amar Singh Ji Maharaj ki Jai.

I warm all those who call Shri Amar Singh Ji Maharaj as a ‘fixer’ or dealer or in simple term as a ‘Dallal’. Dare, you call him a name, lest I take you to court for ‘hurting my religious’ sentiments.

I am Amar Bhakat from now on.

After all Amitabh, Anil Ambani could not have been wrong- incidentally, I too share my first allaphabate of name with Amar, Amitabh and Anil.

Regards.

            Revista britanica Prospect  si cea americana Foreign Policy au facut in 2005 un sondaj prin internet pentru a afla care sunt intelectualii cei mai influenti in lume. S-a publicat atunci o lista a rezultatelor ce parea oarecum normala, deoarece avea in frunte personalitati cunoscute ca : Noam Chomsky, Umberto Eco, Richard Dawkins, Vaclav Havel, Jürgen Habermas, Salman Rushdie. Considerandu-se ca dupa trei ani pot avea loc unele modificari in acest clasament, s-a repetat recent ancheta, obtinandu-se punctul de vedere a peste jumatate de milion de persoane de limba engleza. Noua lista cu cei 100 de intelectuali votati de public ca avand cea mai mare influenta in lume, este nu numai surprinzatoare, ci si discutabila.

            Ii cunoasteti pe Fethullah Güllen, Yusuf Al-Quaradawi, Aitzaz Ahsan, Amr Khaled, Abdolkarim Soroush si Mahmood Mamdani ? Nu ? Ar fi trebuit totusi sa ii stiti, deoarece cei sase figureaza printre primii zece intelectuali remarcabili ai planetei in urma acestui sondaj. Acesti ganditori in viata ai lumii musulmane nu sunt prea cunoscuti in Europa si America, dar despre ei nu se mai poate spune ca nu stapanesc experienta sondajelor de opinie si ca nu au pus totul in miscare pentru ca un numar cat mai mare de persoane sa voteze pentru ei. Iar ceilalti patru ce complecteaza grupul primilor zece in lista sunt nume ceva mai cunoscute (Muhammad Yunus, Orhan Pamuk, Tarik Ramadan si Shirin Ebadi), dar apartinand tot lumii musulmane.

            Cine sunt totusi cei amintiti mai sus? Turcul Fetullah Güllen este un sef religios sufit, egipteanul Yusuf Al-Quadrawi este seful spiritual al Fratilor Musulmani, pakistanezul Aitzaz Ahsan este un avocat si sef al opozitiei regimului lui Musharraf, egipteanul Amr Khaled este un predicator considerat drept „teleevangelistul musulman“, iranianul Abdoulkarim Soroush este un filosof al Coranului. Toti au ziare si posturi de televiziune la dispozitie, prin care si-au indemnat aderentii cum sa voteze.

            Dar pe ce locuri se situeaza atunci in clasament cateva din personalitatile intelectuale mai cunoscute ale Americii si Europei? Noam Chomsky a ajuns pe locul 11, Umberto Eco – 14, Amartya Sen – 15, Richard Dawkins – 19, Mario Vargas Llosa – 20, J. Habermas – 22, Salman Rushdie – 23, Slavoj Zizek – 25, Vaclav Havel – 26, Samuel Huntington – 28, Paul Krugman – 30, Jared Diamond – 31, Papa Benedict XVI – 32, Francis Fukuyama – 43, Jeffrey Sachs – 48,  J.M. Coetzee – 53, Niall Ferguson – 62, Robert Kagan – 69, Amos Oz – 72, Daniel Barenboim – 80, Jacques Attali – 89, Ian Buruma – 100. Lipsesc insa o seama de nume remarcabile, ceeace ridica intrebarea daca o ancheta prin internet are in general sens.

            In aceste conditii este de asteptat ca la urmatorul sondaj al revistelor respective (daca el va mai avea loc) sa avem o lista in frunte cu nume de intelectuali chinezi de care nimeni nu a auzit pana acum nimic. Ceeace poate insemna si ignoranta la care duce euro- si americano-centrismul nostru…

            IN ASTEPTAREA ELEFANTULUI – Cel mai populat stat federal al Indiei este Uttar Pradesh, in fruntea caruia este prim-ministru de cativa ani d-na Mayawati Naina Kumari Das. Dansa este si sefa  unui partid din opozitie „al celor oprimati“ (Bahujan Samaj Party – BSP), ce are ca simbol un elefant. Mayawati a implinit recent 52 de ani si aniversarea sa a fost sarbatorita fastuos cu receptii ce au costat milioane de rupii. Totul a fost platit din donatiile admiratorilor ei. Desi provenita dintr-o casta inferioara, cea a numitilor „dalits“, ea a facut studii de drept  si treptat a devenit bogata : poseda terenuri si imobile, are o vila in cel mai scump cartier din New Delhi, magazine in centrul capitalei. Revista „Newsweek“ o considera pe Mayawati printre cele opt femei cu cea mai mare influenta politica din lume. Felul in care si-a faurit averea surprinde chiar pe concetatenii ei, care nu se mai mira de mult de cazurile de coruptie in randul elitei. Cateva anchete de coruptie impotriva d-nei Mayawati sunt in curs. Cu patru ani in urma dansa a declarat o avere de 118 milioane rupii (cca. 2 milioane euro), dar anul trecut noua sa declaratie de avere s-a ridicat la 9,5 milioane euro, fara sa explice aceasta crestere de aproape 5 ori. Adversarii politici ridica obiectiuni si pentru felul in care cheltuieste banii publici. De pilda edificarea in capitala statului, Lucknow, a unor statui ale persoanei sale, ca si a unui parc in onoarea mentorului sau Kansi Ram. 

            Toate acestea nu au redus insa deloc din popularitatea sa. Mii de ani casta inferioara a Indiei a fost asuprita si acum oamenii sunt insufletiti de discursurile infocate si brutale ale d-nei Mayawati. Dansa si-a declarat deja intentia de a candida pentru functia de prim-ministru al Indiei in locul lui Manmohan Singh la alegerile din 2009. Deja a si declansat campania, calatorind prin toate cele 18 state federale ale tarii si tinand discursuri in fata a sute de mii de persoane ce o numesc „behenji“ (sora) lor si striga „Elefantul va invinge!“. Modesta, dansa afirma : „Personal, nu as dori sa devin prim-ministru al tarii, dar daca poporul ma vrea, sunt gata sa accept!“. Alegerile de anul viitor vor arata daca aceasta e cu adevarat dorinta majoritatii indienilor. In sanscrita, numele Mayawati inseamna „o iluzie desavarsita“.

Do Indians in America all vote for the Democratic Party? Will they all do so only if an Indian politician they trust certifies the candidates? And only if the politician belongs to the Janata parivar?

In January, when it seemed Hillary Clinton's star was on the ascendant, newspapers were deliriously reporting that Clinton's campaign managers had approached Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar and former minister of state for external affairs Digvijay Singh to canvass for the former first lady among Indians settled in the United States.

Kumar said: "We support the Democratic Party presidential nominee."

"We have all sympathy for the party," Singh added helpfully.

Well, the epidemic is spreading.

P.G.R. Sindhia, the former Janata Dal minister in Karnataka who left the party to join the Bahujan Samaj Party only to be summarily expelled by Mayawati last week, has announced that he is going to the United States to campaign for the Democratic Party nominee, Barack Obama.

The Hindu reports that "as he was a fan of the Democratic Party, he had informed the party in advance that he would campaign for Obama."

Sindhia will be addressing meetings of the Indian community in the US for two weeks during July and August to seek votes for Obama. His itinerary will be finalised in a couple of days, please note.

Photographs: Nitish Kumar courtesy UNI via rediff.com, Digvijay Singh courtesy The Tribune, Sindhia courtesy Karnataka Photo News

            SURPRIZA UNUI CLASAMENT AL INTELECTUALILOR - Moda clasamentelor personalitatilor in cele mai diferite domenii, raspandita in multe tari anglo-saxone (si care bineinteles a prins si la noi), duce uneori la rezultate neasteptate. Copiind intrecerile sportive, ea a fost preluata de televiziune cu competitiile Eurovision si s-a extins la interogarea publicului in ce priveste artistii de cinema si figurile istorice proeminente, pe glob sau din anumite tari.

            Revista britanica Prospect  si cea americana Foreign Policy au facut in 2005 un sondaj prin internet pentru a afla care sunt intelectualii cei mai influenti in lume. S-a publicat atunci o lista a rezultatelor ce parea oarecum normala, deoarece avea in frunte personalitati cunoscute ca : Noam Chomsky, Umberto Eco, Richard Dawkins, Vaclav Havel, Jürgen Habermas, Salman Rushdie. Considerandu-se ca dupa trei ani pot avea loc unele modificari in acest clasament, s-a repetat recent ancheta, obtinandu-se punctul de vedere a peste jumatate de milion de persoane de limba engleza. Noua lista cu cei 100 de intelectuali votati de public ca avand cea mai mare influenta in lume, este nu numai surprinzatoare, ci si discutabila.

            Ii cunoasteti pe Fethullah Güllen, Yusuf Al-Quaradawi, Aitzaz Ahsan, Amr Khaled, Abdolkarim Soroush si Mahmood Mamdani ? Nu ? Ar fi trebuit totusi sa ii stiti, deoarece cei sase figureaza printre primii zece intelectuali remarcabili ai planetei in urma acestui sondaj. Acesti ganditori in viata ai lumii musulmane nu sunt prea cunoscuti in Europa si America, dar despre ei nu se mai poate spune nu stapanesc bine experienta sondajelor de opinie si ca nu au pus totul in miscare pentru ca un numar cat mai mare de persoane sa voteze pentru ei. Iar ceilalti patru ce complecteaza grupul primilor zece in lista sunt nume ceva mai cunoscute (Muhammad Yunus, Orhan Pamuk, Tarik Ramadan si Shirin Ebadi), dar apartinand tot lumii musulmane.

            Cine sunt totusi cei amintiti mai sus? Turcul Fetullah Güllen este un sef religios sufit, egipteanul Yusuf Al-Quadrawi este seful spiritual al Fratilor Musulmani, pakistanezul Aitzaz Ahsan este un avocat si sef al opozitiei regimului lui Musharraf, egipteanul Amr Khaled este un predicator considerat drept „teleevangelistul musulman“, iranianul Abdoulkarim Soroush este un filosof al Coranului. Toti au ziare si posturi de televiziune la dispozitie, prin care si-au indemnat aderentii cum sa voteze.

            Dar pe ce locuri se situeaza atunci in clasament cateva din personalitatile intelectuale mai cunoscute ale Americii si Europei? Noam Chomsky a ajuns pe locul 11, Umberto Eco – 14, Amartya Sen – 15, Richard Dawkins – 19, Mario Vargas Llosa – 20, J. Habermas – 22, Salman Rushdie – 23, Slavoj Zizek – 25, Vaclav Havel – 26, Samuel Huntington – 28, Paul Krugman – 30, Jared Diamond – 31, Papa Benedict XVI – 32, Francis Fukuyama – 43, Jeffrey Sachs – 48,  J.M. Coetzee – 53, Niall Ferguson – 62, Robert Kagan – 69, Amos Oz – 72, Daniel Barenboim – 80, Jacques Attali – 89, Ian Buruma – 100. Lipsesc insa o seama de nume remarcabile, ceeace ridica intrebarea daca o ancheta prin internet are in general sens.

            In aceste conditii este de asteptat ca la urmatorul sondaj al revistelor respective (daca el va mai avea loc) sa avem o lista in frunte cu nume de intelectuali chinezi de care nimeni nu a auzit pana acum nimic. Ceeace poate insemna si ignoranta la care duce euro- si americano-centrismul nostru…

            IN ASTEPTAREA ELEFANTULUI – Cel mai populat stat federal al Indiei este Uttar Pradesh, in fruntea caruia este prim-ministru de cativa ani d-na Mayawati Naina Kumari Das. Dansa este si sefa  unui partid din opozitie „al celor oprimati“ (Bahujan Samaj Party – BSP), ce are ca simbol un elefant. Mayawati a implinit recent 52 de ani si aniversarea sa a fost sarbatorita fastuos cu receptii ce au costat milioane de rupii. Totul a fost platit din donatiile admiratorilor ei. Desi provenita dintr-o casta inferioara, cea a numitilor „dalits“, ea a facut studii de drept  si treptat a devenit bogata : poseda terenuri si imobile, are o vila in cel mai scump cartier din New Delhi, magazine in centrul capitalei. Revista „Newsweek“ o considera pe Mayawati printre cele opt femei cu cea mai mare influenta politica din lume. Felul in care si-a faurit averea surprinde chiar pe concetatenii ei, care nu se mai mira de mult de cazurile de coruptie in randul elitei. Cateva anchete de coruptie impotriva d-nei Mayawati sunt in curs. Cu patru ani in urma dansa a declarat o avere de 118 milioane rupii (cca. 2 milioane euro), dar anul trecut noua sa declaratie de avere s-a ridicat la 9,5 milioane euro, fara sa explice aceasta crestere de aproape 5 ori. Adversarii politici ridica obiectiuni si pentru felul in care cheltuieste banii publici. De pilda edificarea in capitala statului, Lucknow, a unor statui ale persoanei sale, ca si a unui parc in onoarea mentorului sau Kansi Ram. 

            Toate acestea nu au redus insa deloc din popularitatea sa. Mii de ani casta inferioara a Indiei a fost asuprita si acum oamenii sunt insufletiti de discursurile infocate si brutale ale d-nei Mayawati. Dansa si-a declarat deja intentia de a candida pentru functia de prim-ministru al Indiei in locul lui Manmohan Singh la alegerile din 2009. Deja a si declansat campania, calatorind prin toate cele 18 state federale ale tarii si tinand discursuri in fata a sute de mii de persoane ce o numesc „behenji“ (sora) lor si striga „Elefantul va invinge!“. Modesta, dansa afirma : „Personal, nu as dori sa devin prim-ministru al tarii, dar daca poporul ma vrea, sunt gata sa accept!“. Alegerile de anul viitor vor arata daca aceasta e cu adevarat dorinta majoritatii indienilor. In sanscrita, numele Mayawati inseamna „o iluzie desavarsita“.

What has Mayaywati been doing for Dalits? That question will be answered again and again without talking to a single Dalit. But if you do go looking for something, you will find it. The redoubtable Nilanjana Bose reports:

A resident of Sakrar, Kamlesh Ahirwal says, "Ever since Behenji (Mayawati) has come to power, we have no worries about water."

In a land that has witnessed drought-like conditions for the last several years, water comes at a premium, but Dalit villages like Sakrar don't have to worry anymore - at least not while Mayawati's there.

Immediately after the Dalit Chief Minister came to power, Bundelkhand - and specially the lower castes in the area - became a priority issue for her.

Tankers were sent to the furthest corners of Bundelkhand to quench parched houses that had voted her to power. [Link]

How many reporters and editors in Lucknow care about whether some dalit family in Bundelkhand gets drinking water or not? But that's the sort of thing where the story lies. If only you visit Gomti Nagar a little less and control your blood pressure about the Ambedkar Udayan...

In Maya land, water comes at premium for upper castes (click here for whole article)

Earlier, these Dalits had to travel 10 kilometres to a well in another village to fill buckets of water. But now, things have changed. Every morning, six water tankers come to the village supplying each house with 200 litres of water.

This sort of thing makes you think "Well, maybe some good CAN come out of her". But of course, how can her actions not have another side to them.

Votebank politics and the battle for water go hand in hand in Bundelkhand. While Dalits have been rewarded for their loyalty, the upper castes are witnessing what they call is a complete upheaval of an age old social order.

"Age old social order". Pah!

Call it oversimplification, but serously, how many stupid allegories will we go through before we're man enough to call it downright discrimination. But the stupidity doesn't stop there.

Purohit says, "We will fend for ourselves, but we will never stoop low enough to bow down in front of other people and request for tankers to come here."

Way to go Grandpa!!!

-Aditya Raghuwanshi

She may be an "untouchable" and only 5ft (1.5m) tall but Mayawati - India's "Dalit Queen" and would-be Prime Minister - wants people to know that she is a giant among politicians.

The chief minister of the state of Uttar Pradesh has ordered officials to tear down her 12ft (3.7m) bronze statue and replace it with a larger one at a cost of almost £500,000.

Diwakar Tripathi, a spokesman for Mayawati (who uses only one name), said that the statue was removed this month - 45 days after its erection - because it was 3ft shorter than others in the centre of Lucknow, the state capital. The new one was 15ft tall and weighed 20 tonnes - the same as the others, he told The Times.

More

Previously in AW: Mayawati: Untouchable and unstoppable

Women and Child Development Minister Renuka Chowdhury expressed her "anguish and pain" over Mayawati's statement that the "Congress party has been politicising the Aarushi murder case on the pretext of showing sensitivity to the bereaved families."

"My reaction is that of great sadness. How sad it is that a woman chief minister thinks that a young girl's life is equal to politics. However, my reaction to the case comes as a mother, out of great pain and anguish. I only wish that Mayawati would know what it is to feel like that," Chowdhury said while reacting to Mayawati's remarks earlier Thursday favouring a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into Aarushi's murder.

Mayawati said she would be writing to the centre on this. However, even before the letter could be sent, Minister of State for Home Shriprakash Jaiswal said the case was not "fit" for the CBI.

"The Aarushi murder case is not fit for a CBI enquiry. The Uttar Pradesh special task force is already probing the matter," he said in New Delhi

Mayawati, in a statement read out in Lucknow Thursday, flayed Chowdhury for "meddling" in the case and for issuing "irresponsible statements."

"They should stop petty politics in a matter that is so serious and sensitive," the chief minister maintained.

"Why is Mayawati so concerned about this case instead of worrying about law and order?" Chowdhury retorted.

"She should be seeking answers from the Noida police. Is she trying to say that a police officer can get away with saying that the girl was 'as characterless as her father'?" the minister asked.

"Is this a political yardstick with which we measure public domain, decency and human values?" wondered the angry minister.

Aarushi, a 15-year-old student of Delhi Public School (Noida) was found dead May 16 with her throat slit and multiple stab injuries on her face, chest and neck. The family's domestic help, 45-year-old Hemraj, who the police initially named as the killer, was also found murdered on the terrace of the house the next day.

Aarushi's dentist father Rajesh Talwar was arrested May 23 for the murders.

Chowdhury had May 27 accused the Uttar Pradesh police of "insensitivity" in its handling of the case and for making statements that maligned the teenager.

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights that comes under Chowdhury's ministry, has also written to the Uttar Pradesh government expressing its anguish over the "derogatory" language used by Inspector General (Meerut range) Gurdarshan Singh at a press conference May 23, who stated that Talwar had killed Aarushi because he objected to her closeness to Hemraj.

Even so deplorable and uncalled-for a crisis has yielded some good. 1. At long last, the real Sonia Gandhi has stepped forth: and shown that she is just another politician, that the image which had been so assiduously projected -- the shy, reticent lady, concerned only with the security of her children, a lady who hates politics, who shuns power -- was just nail-polish. Her ambition, her readiness to use all means for acquiring office, her willingness to twist and turn -- "A minority government of the Congress, take it or leave it" one day, the magnanimous openness to a coalition the next, and the Papal, "No, we are not ready to pardon," the third -- were all put on display. As have the limits of the astuteness with which she was getting to be credited: thus far she had been dealing with the doormen and doormats of the Congress; as they would bend and genuflect each time she looked their way, it was easy to seem astute; what happened when she had to handle Mulayam, Laloo, Jayalalitha, Mayawati...?

Even more graphically we had a chance to glimpse her disposition to untruth. "We have the support of 272 MPs," she declared one day. She had nothing of the sort, it is clear. The President gave her 48 hours to furnish the letters affirming this claim. When she came out of Rashtrapati Bhavan after her second meeting with the President, she and her minions -- Arjun Singh leading the rest -- led everyone to believe that the President had advised her to "complete her efforts for forming an alternative Government as early as possible." I was quite astonished, I confess. For if this were true, it would mean that the President was straining to see one combination out and a particular one in. I requested a friend to send me the text of what had been put out by Rashtrapati Bhawan officially. Just read what the President's office stated in writing. The relevant para ran as follows: "Smt Sonia Gandhi gave to the President a list of 233 MPs who would extend support for the formation of a Congress Government. When it was put to her that the numbers did not add up to the requisite strength, she conveyed to the President that she would continue her discussions with parties and individuals who voted against the Motion of Confidence on April 17, 1999 and advise the President on her efforts, as early as possible." She, Sonia Gandhi, told the President that she would "advise" him of the results of her efforts. And that was twisted to read that the President had advised her to do whatever she had to in this regard as early as possible! That reversal is more than an Italian's English: it is the exact replay of what used to be done during Rajiv Gandhi's tenure. Moreover, it is evident that, for advancing her own chances, she -- and of course her factotums -- have no compunction in putting the President's office and credibility in jeopardy.

No blackmailer could have blackballed himself as effectively as Jayalalitha isolated and marginalised herself. Even had the Government she had banked on come into being, her power to bully it had been substantially diminished.

People got to see how spurious were "issues" these politicians had been shouting about these last few months: did anyone mention a word about Bhagwat or Guruswamy at any turn during the week?

The perennials of every conspiracy -- Harkishen Singh Surjeet, Arjun Singh, Subramaniam Swamy -- out-conspired themselves. Prudence kept everyone from saying anything against Swamy. In Papaji's case, on the other hand, the long-suppressed resentment against him of his own partymen was expressed in the strongest language even to a person like me. And Arjun Singh was being blamed for what is in the sycophantic Congress the cardinal sin: he is the one who has caused embarrassment to Madam, went the charge.

That these parties and leaders care nothing for the country's condition and interest was brought home to all: "In one minute, we will put the alternative in place," they claimed; in fact, as events showed, they had pulled down the Government, and plunged the country into such uncertainty, with nothing in hand -- except their private calculations: each had convinced himself -- and herself, let us not forget -- that, once the existing Government was out, and he or she out-played the others in obstinacy, the others would have no alternative but to hand the crown to her or him.

The Third Front was blown to pieces for the nth time -- its obituary pronounced by the very one who had used it the most for indulging his habit: Surjeet.

The image which leftists have created for themselves -- larger-than-life monoliths -- was cracked. First the Left Front couldn't agree. Then the sharp divisions within the CPI (M) -- between the Kerala and Bengal units of the party, then the emotion they share -- intense hostility towards their General Secretary, Surjeet -- were on display.

The incessant claim of these parties -- that they have been fighting for "secularism" -- was blown. Trust between "secular forces" always in short supply, was erased altogether: Sonia isn't the only one who is saying, "No, we are not ready to pardon." The public also got another chance to see through their pretensions: to the cliche, "We will do everything necessary to consolidate secular forces," was added another, "Jo bhi Bahujan Samaj ke hit mein hoga hum voh hi karenge"!

Even as they persisted in painting the "communalists" as untouchables in public, politicians of all hues were in touch with the BJP leaders: typical was an incident to my knowledge -- having made a crucial move, leaders of a secularist combine phoned a BJP bigwig and told him, "We are going to abuse you fellows a lot today, don't black it out from Doordarshan, it is important that our supporters hear the message in full"!

As every vote counted, and as no one knew who he might have to ally with tomorrow, politicians became ever so polite to one another.

The Budget, which till the day before the opposition had dubbed a "communal budget", an "Ashok Singhal budget," was passed unanimously, without so much as a proforma discussion.

Parliament was adjourned, sine die, and the country was so much more at peace.

At the height of the crisis, newspapers too decided to go on strike, peace became tranquility.

Enthusiastic newspapers made Jayalalithas of themselves: few have lent themselves so shamelessly as megaphones for broadcasting rumours as them: like Jayalalitha, they overdid their part, and thereby readers see what they have been doing -- The Indian Express took the prize by concocting minatory remarks, and attributing them to the President: so much so that the President's office had to put out an official contradiction. As an exercise, go back to the paper and compare the display of the concoctions and of the official contradiction.

Even politicians saw that goodness pays: that it was Atal Behari Vajpayee who had been done in by the conspiracy is what hurt conspirators the most -- "People think it to be gau-hatya," my friend Surya Prakash said.

Means still seemed to matter. The President's decision of asking Vajpayee to seek a vote of confidence instead of letting the opposition parties settle their differences and move a motion of no-confidence; and the decision which was pasted on him by Sonia Gandhi -- to give her an indefinite length of further time -- were widely perceived as efforts to help one side. And thereby the norm that persons occupying high office must be non-partisan was reaffirmed. Wicked devices still seemed to boomerang: by seducing one TDP MP, the Congress got headlines for a day; but it simultaneously confirmed allegations of the means it was using; more consequential, it clarified Chandrababu Naidu's mind: for all their protestations and the soothing suggestions of their brokers, Chandrababu was reminded that Congress leaders will not hesitate one second to prise his flock from him.

Among the means the Congress and the Communists deployed the most was rumour-mongering: Mulayam has given his letter, one minute, Dilip Rai has met Sonia and the Biju Janata Dal is as good as broken the next, Ambani has sent 75 crores, the exodus has begun, Chandrashekhar has met Sonia, Farooq Abdullah has just talked to her and pledged his support, the Samata MPs have agreed on the promise that they will be given ministerships after a month, the President has made it clear to the BJP and alliance leaders that under no circumstances will he ..... Every other hour some such rumour would sweep the capital. But each rumour buried the preceding, one, together they discredited that whole lot -- the mongers of rumours.

The people didn't just -- once again --- see politicians for that they are. They saw that in the current system only such politicians will float to the top, that in each round the current arrangement is yielding a worse and worse lot. The lesson that it is the system that needs to be refashioned was thus reinforced.

The nemesis of "progressive politics" was brought home just as effectively: the electorate have been fractured in the name of "social engineering" -- casteism, in plain language -- the Government, and therefore the country has been placed at the mercy of every blackmailer with a vote in Parliament. Surely, people will remember this when they go to the polls next time.

The BJP and its allies lost a Government, but benefited a great deal. Everything had been pulling them apart till this blow. The way Karunanidhi, Badal, Murosoli Maran, Vaiko, Mamta Banerjee, George Fernandes worked to stage off the challenge brought the allies much closer. It isn't just that they worked harder, their contribution was greater than their effort -- for they had far better contacts in, a far deeper reach into the Congress and other opposition parties.

The BJP was suddenly a different party than it had been for months. Ever so often we see the phenomenon in day-to-day life. Some trifling thing happens, we take it to heart and stop meeting a friend. He is suddenly killed in an accident. How much we regret that quarrel! We see in a flash how trivial was the issue which we had taken to heart. This is what this near-death experience did to the BJP. Suddenly, everyone was working as one.

And in the end, the best possible solution remained the only one: elections. Had either side got to form a Government with a majority of twos and threes, it would have been, and hence the country would have been at the mercy of twos and threes. It is far better that the country spend a thousand crores as many times as it takes to get Governments with clear majorities than that the Government of India be so vulnerable that some Jayalalitha can in a week inflict a loss of 50,000 crores on the assets of small investors.

May be all this is not just a sequence but an omen, I tell myself hopefully, may be the good will hold. The day before Mulayam Singh was to Syed Naqvi. "Aao, main tumhe apne gaon ki baat batlaata hoon," he said, "Come, I will teach you something of our village." If a girl comes of age, if her nose is pierced and the nose-ring threaded, if her ears are pierced and she is adorned with ear-rings, if new clothes are stitched, ornaments are brought, if the engagement is done, if gifts are exchanged, if mehndi is put, if the shehnai commences, if the guests arrive, and after all this there are no pheras, if after all this the wedding doesn't go through, in the village that girl doesn't get married ever, he exclaimed. So, if Sonia does not become Prime Minister tomorrow.... At least this time she didn't. As for the future, Long live Village India!

Daily Excelsior
April 30, 1999

during the reign of mulayam singh yadav, the ex-chief minister of UP, the bus service between the two states was snapped. while those at the top were unaffected, it was the people who commute between delhi to noida and delhi to ghaziabad who were the worst hit.

the government moved all industry out of delhi, in the wake of high pollution levels. the residents have thus to travel to far away places like noida, gurgaon, ghaziabad, and faridabad. however, these neighbouring districts do not have as good a transport system as delhi.

when the states cut the transport facilities, the private players, ran havoc on the roads. their thirst for more passengers being endless, they would wait incessantly at bus stops. people would be herded into buses as animals; even worse. lest any passenger oppose, he/she was mishandled by the bus staff.

after a long hiatus, the government of both sides finally decided to end the impasse. mayawati and sheila dikshit, chief minister of delhi, took the decision to restart the bus service between the two cities as soon as the former occupied office.

it was a welcome day for commuters. the yellow buses were greeted with much happiness by the crowd at ISBT and new delhi railway station, who were anticipating this move by the new chief minister for long. also there were the buses from DTC. commuters thought it was the end of their commuting troubles, with so much of choice in travelling. but they were wrong, time proved it.

the new buses were comfortable. also they took lesser time to complete the journey once the buses started. however, the starting was often problematic. more than 6 months that the service began, they are still not following a routine. ask the bus drivers and they put the blame at the bus depot

also the bus conductors charge tickets at their discretion. imitating the DTC buses that run on this route, the conductors on UP roadway buses too have started charging an extra rupee. had this extra rupee been a legal charge, all conductors would have charged the same. a few conductors declined the extra rupee coin that i passed while taking the ticket. they said, it went to the conductor's pocket instead of the state's exchequers.

DTC buses have been worse. earlier, one could at least spot a few buses run by Delhi Transport Corporation enroute to Noida. now you can seldom spot one, at least not during the office time. in the evening, they disappear completely.

the commuters have to fall back on the private players again. howsoever crowded they are, they at least pick passengers from their source and leave them at their destination points. their final hope now is the delhi metro. sources say it would commence operations by end 2009. until then commuting will reign high on troubles facing people travelling from delhi to noida.

"There is another 123 ticking away down south. Karnataka is the only southern state where you have to count beyond two power blocs. And the post-poll deal could make the India’s nuclear agreement with the US look simple.

"In the event of a hung verdict, H.D. Deve Gowda’s little third party could play and outplay. Or so some assume.

"Banish all such assumptions—even that the Janata Dal (S) will only come in third. After the drubbing Mayawati gave pollsters and parachuting pundits, the maya in Indian elections is up there. So leave it to the veteran to figure things out.

"'I’ve fought 13 elections and won 11. I know the mood of the people. We have a clear edge in these 89 constituencies,' says Deve Gowda."

Read the full account: Gowdas of the stump

There, the status of any man or even woman of substance is measured by the number of guns he or she totes. Similarly, the stature of a politician there is indicated not by the number of elections won but by the number of gun-toting security personnel around him or her.

The Biharis' fascination for guns goes to such extreme lengths that to counter the dismally low vasectomy rate the government had at times even announced the liberal granting of gun licences to men willing to get sterilised. The result was that even young boys still years away from fatherhood and elderly widowers long past their productive years, started turning up eagerly at vasectomy camps leaving the actual target population far behind!

A recent newspaper report says that while this craze for weapons is well-known, now even eunuchs have developed a taste for it as a member of their group who is an active worker of the BSP and an ardent fan of Mayawati, has been granted a licence for a revolver by the district magistrate of Mau, about a hundred kilometres from Varanasi.

While the concerned official has rightly defended his action saying that there is no law which bars eunuchs from holding arms licences it is interesting to note that Shweta, the eunuch wants to wield the six-shooter to protect herself (or is it himself?) during next year's Parliamentary elections which she proposes to contest with Mayawati's blessings.

She also says that she has already applied to the concerned authorities to get the jurisdiction of her licence extended to the entire country. Considering her connections, this should be a cakewalk for her although for lesser mortals like us this may seem like a midsummer night's dream.

While things may appear very rosy for gun owners in bullet-riddled Bihar, they certainly seem to be rather dismal for all those who possess licenced weapons in our own State of Karnataka.

For some years now and for some strange and inexplicable reason, the much scrutinised and verified bonafides of all the law-abiding citizens who hold gun licences instantly become suspect and like the worst anti-social elements and history-sheeters they are asked to deposit their weapons in Police Stations every time an election is announced anywhere in the State.

In fact, this is the first preventive measure that the police are now being asked to take as a part of their law and order maintaining drill even during municipal and corporation elections. This rather shameful tradition which was not imposed upon us even during the darkest days of the Emergency was started when T.N. Seshan was at the helm of affairs as the Chief Election Commissioner.

The Election Commission may be vested with constitutional powers to do this and more but the question is whether it is necessary to enforce this rule as thoughtlessly as is being done now?

Since it has now been written down as one of the sanitising measures in the rulebook of the district administration and since we have all shamelessly tolerated it without a whisper or a whimper, it continues to be dished out to us even long after the Seshan era.

Like his famed election identity cards that did precious little for us or for our electoral malpractices, beyond soaking crores of rupees into the pockets of fly-by-night photographers, this ignominy too was one of Seshan's many "revolutionary" measures which were meant more for effect than for any real purpose.

He just wanted to show us all that he was a different kind of businessman when it came to the business of conducting free and fair elections.

Since he was a confirmed sabre-rattler, like all people whose bark is worse than their bite, he had to necessarily resort to such theatrical measures. Now when you look at the election scenario in all fairness, while some goons may be using guns to get people to vote as desired by them in a few other states, the gun, especially a licenced one, has never played any role in any poll in Karnataka.

Gun licences are one of the toughest documents to get and they are granted only after a person's conduct, character, social standing, and his or her need for it are cleared by the Police after the strictest scrutiny. All licence holders who are from the cream of our society therefore tend to be very responsible and law-abiding citizens of whom the State should justifiably feel proud.

Moreover, unlike illegal weapons all licenced weapons if wrongly used are liable for easy confiscation as they and their owners are easily traceable. Therefore, except for being used in the rarest of rare cases to protect ourselves or our neighbourhood, licenced weapons in the possession of citizens act as very strong and necessary deterrents to crime by their presence rather than by their actual use.

Therefore, when everyone good and bad comes to know that all weapons owned by private citizens are safely locked up in police stations for long periods during the election time, it is an open invitation to all criminals to make hay as soon as the sun sets.

Late night travellers and all those who reside in scarcely populated suburbs and farm houses far away from police stations become prone to this risk. The police simply cannot be expected to be present everywhere at all times to protect us. This is especially true during elections when anti-social elements are most active requiring the deployment of police personnel at more sensitive places.

All is well if nothing happens but it should be realised that things can go horribly wrong as they do from time to time and when this happens, the wisest advocates of gun control will not look so wise.

Unknown to those who do not possess them, in our country licenced guns unlike unlicenced ones now come only at a very hefty price after all firearm imports were banned as a carefully planned prelude to "Operation Bluestar". Our handguns especially are literally worth their weight in gold and considering the care and attention with which we look after them, police stations are certainly not the places where they should be tossed around when they are guiltless of any crime.

There have been more than one instance where priceless guns have somehow been misplaced, replaced or even lost while in police custody thereby causing much embarrassment to the department and distress to the owners.

For the police, too, it is certainly not an easy task to keep track of every gun left in their custody and return it to the owners safely. But since the police and district administration are duty-bound to follow all rules both sensible and senseless, they are helpless in this matter.

Therefore, it is time licenced gun owners did something collectively to prevail upon the Election Commission and other concerned authorities to stop resorting to this pointless and potentially dangerous exercise in the future. We may have to create effective public opinion by interacting with, like-minded people all over the State, legal luminaries, and bodies like the Karnataka Rifle Association to deal with this humiliation.

K. Javeed Nayeem is a practising physician who writes a regular column in Star of Mysore, where this piece originally appeared.

Jawaharlal Nehru wrote about the caste system in India in The Discovery of India:

The caste system does not stand by itself; it is a part, and an integral part, of a much larger scheme of social organisation. It may be possible to remove some ot its obvious abuses and to lessen its regidity, and yet to leave the system intact. But that is highly unlikely, as the social and economic forces at play are not much concerned with this superstructure; they are attacking it at the base and undermining the other supports which held it up.

The first question that struck me when I read this was: have things changed? The answer was an obvious no.

This was written at a time when India was knocking on the doors of self-reliance. There were leaders like Dr BR Ambedkar changing the fates of people oppressed by the caste system. India has since been able to overcome (to varying extents) so many of it economic problems on its own--poverty, lack of industrialisation, food security and so on. But the caste system (i.e. its evils) continue to thrive. If anything, today's India is more burdened by them than the one 60 years ago.

Today:

Reservations on the basis of castes in government organisations are omnipresent. Politicians continue to exploit people on the basis of their castes to garner votes. One of the shining examples of this is Maharani Mayawati. She unveiled her own statue a couple of days back. Rahul Gandhi, the heir apparent in the backbone-less Congress (I), is going from one Dalit village to another trying to woo them. None of them have done anything to remove the evils of caste system.

Yet, it would be safe to say that in many parts of India, the caste of a person does not matter much, especially in the big cities and in the private sector. Things have indeed gotten better for the dalits, but only the ones who have educated themselves / their next generation.

The status quo from 60 years ago, remains.

Lyrics for the moment:

Hairat ho sabko, aisa ajooba hai mera jahaan.

While Congress was not a very big contender in UP, BJP was till recently banking on UP for at least a few seats for Lok Sabha. The biggest loser however is SP who are now wondering if the Thakurs would also leave their party after Muslims and Brahmins. While these elections were just between SP and BSP, it was nonetheless important for BJP and Congress who lost their deposits in a major defeat.

Mayawati's detractors in urban and English media call her victories as a result of social engineering, she is calling this a first step by the people to install a dalit Prime Minister or at least a Deputy PM, as part of her "Dilli Chalo" call.

Look at what Times of India and DNA have to say over her victory.

Times of India also had an article about the thawing of relationships between SP and Congress. A must read.

We are now well into Hour #2 at McDonald's. At Scott's gentle persistence, we investigated two locations for our fast food fix. When I first heard that Agra, home of the Taj Mahal, had two McDonald's -- well, I was skeptical. Did the autorickshaw driver already know that the first McDonald's had closed down? We may never know.

If it weren't for the Taj Mahal and related palatial projects, Agra would just be a hot, dusty city with more than its share of noxious fumes. When I first arrive in Delhi back in late 2007, the capital city was suffering under a temporary air pollution peak. In the city of Agra, it is more like a plateau. A thick, hazy, smoky plateau.

On the ride into town from the train station, our young autorickshaw driver excitedly talks in Hindi about Mayawati, Uttar Pradesh's chief minister. The state's elected chief is a woman who hails from low-caste roots, and she is apparently in Agra for a couple of days. She's here to dedicate a new center bearing the name of Dr. Ambedkar -- the historic leader for many of India's dalits (formerly "untouchables").

Mayawati got international attention when she came to power through a political alliance of high-caste brahmins and low-caste dalits. International reporters didn't really know what to make of it, but the headlines were good regardless. Today, many dalits can point to this head of an Indian state with a certain kind of pride.

But the nuts-and-bolts of good governance may still remain elusive. It would be unfair to blame Mayawati for Agra's longstanding industrial air pollution. But one still wonders if the creeping threat of dirty air is something that leaders locally just accept. In contrast to Los Angeles' smog alert days, this seems like a full-scale respiratory emergency.

So after a morning spent tromping around the Taj Mahal, we have now escaped to the air-conditioned confines of McDonald's. The air is clean. There are no merchants asking us to buy Taj-shaped trinkets. There are no autorickshaw drivers insisting that they have a "better" hotel for us -- even though they probably do.

Just a lot of shiny, fashionably dressed, upper-income Agra residents getting their McAloo Tikki fix.

மாயாவதி கட்சியின் 20 வேட்பாளர்கள் பார்ப்பனர்கள்

பெங்களூரு, ஏப். 9- வெகுமக்க ளாக இருக்கிற தாழ்த்தப்பட்ட, பழங்குடி, பிற்படுத்தப்பட்ட, சிறுபான்மையின மக்களின் மேம்பாட்டுக்காகப் பாடுபட்டு அவர்களை ஆட்சி அதிகா ரத்தில் பங்கு பெறச் செய்திட வேண்டும் என்கிற உயர்ந்த நோக்கத்தோடு கன்ஷிராம் அவர்களால் உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கட்சிதான் பகுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சி என்பது. இந்தக் கட்சியை வட நாட்டில் தொடங்கும்போது தந்தை பெரியார், அண்ணல் அம்பேத்கர், ஜோதிபா புலே ஆகிய தலைவர்களின் படங் களை கட்சித் தலைமையகத் தில் சிறப்பாக வைத்துத் தொடங்கியவர் கன்ஷிராம். அவரது கட்சியைச் சேர்ந்த மாயாவதி தற்போது உத்தரப் பிரதேச மாநிலத்தில் முதல்வ ராக இருக்கிறார்.

மறைந்த கன்ஷிராமின் கொள் கைகளுக்கு விரோதமாகப் பார்ப்பனர்களுடன் கூட்டு வைத்துத் தேர்தலில் வெற்றி பெற்று அவர்களை அமைச்சர வையிலும் இடம்பெறச் செய்து கன்ஷிராமின் கொள்கை களைக் கைகழுவிவிட்டார். இந்நிலையில், கருநாடகா மாநிலச் சட்டமன்றத் தேர்தலி லும் பகுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சி போட்டியிடுகிறது. அந்தக் கட்சி வேட்பாளர்களாகப் பார்ப்பனர்களும் நிறுத்தப் படப் போகிறார்களாம்.

எந்தக் கட்சியுடனும் கூட்டு வைக்காமல் தனித்துப் போட் டியிடும் பகுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சி 224 தொகுதிகளிலும் போட்டி போடப் போகிறது. இவற்றில் 20 தொகுதிகளில் பார்ப்ப னர்கள் அக்கட்சியின் வேட் பாளர்களாக நிறுத்தப்படுகி றார்கள். இந்த அளவுக்கு அதிக வேட்பாளர்களை வேறு எந்தக் கட்சியும் நிறுத்தவில்லை என்று பெருமைப்பட்டுக் கொள் கிறார் அக்கட்சியின் மாநிலத் தலை வர் முனியப்பா.

கார்வார் பகுதியில் 3 ஆயி ரம் பார்ப்பனர்கள் அக்கட்சி யில் புதிதாகச் சேர்ந்துள்ளனர். பிற்படுத்தப்பட்ட, தாழ்த்தப் பட்ட மக்களின் தாழ்நிலைக் குப் பார்ப்பன வல்லாண்மை தான் காரணம் என்று உணர்ந்து கட்சி தொடங்கிப் பார்ப்பனர்களை எதிர்த்து வந்தார் கன்ஷிராம். அவரது சீடர் மாயாவதி தம் கட்சியின் கொள்கையைக் குழிதோண் டிப் புதைத்துவிட்டார் என்ப தற்கு இச்செய்தி மேலும் ஒரு எடுத்துக்காட்டாகும்.

மாயாவதி சிலை: திறந்தார் மாயாவதி

	மாயாவதி சிலை

இந்தியாவின் வடக்கிலுள்ள உத்திரப் பிரதேச மாநிலத்தின் முதல்வரான மாயாவதி குமாரி, தலைநகர் லக்னோவில் இன்று தனது சிலையை தானே திறந்துவைத்துள்ளார்.

இந்து சாதிய அமைப்பில், தலித் மக்களின் மேம்பாட்டுக்காக செயல்படும் கட்சியான பகுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சியின் தலைவியான மாயாவதி, அந்தக் கட்சியை நிறுவிய காலஞ்சென்ற கன்ஷி ராம் அவர்களின் விருப்பத்துக்கு ஏற்பவே தமது சிலை நிறுவப்பட்டதாகக் கூறுகிறார்.

தனது சிலை நாட்டின் தலைநகரான புதுடில்லியிலும் நிறுவப்படும் எனவும் மாயாவதி தெரிவித்துள்ளார். இந்தியாவில் அரசியல் தலைவர்கள் தமக்கு தாமே சிலை வைத்துக் கொள்வது அசாதாரணமான ஒன்று என செய்தியாளர்கள் கூறுகிறார்கள்.

Everywhere, the "pro-reservationists" claimed "victory", shouting paeans of praise of the Supreme Court while the "anti-reservationists" moped around and started drawing up outlines of case comments where they would ultimately show how wrong the Supreme Court was, and why the nation is going to hell.

Moving out of this closeted mad world, we see similar reactions among the political class and the anti-reservation student bodies (most notably Youth for Equality) respectively.

On the one hand, Arjun Singh can’t wipe the smug smile off his face, while politicians of all hues have already begun counting the votes that this judgment has just hatched for them. With inflation, Tibet and a botched nuke deal threatening to sink the UPA Government in electoral mire, Mannu Bhai & co. are happy to clutch at any straws thrown to them.

Youth for Equality has found, as the NBA did before it, that the Supreme Court is a bit of a gamble.

In all or nothing battles such as litigation, "nothing" is a possibility you cannot not prepare for as this link shows, "nothing" was something they were not exactly prepared for. As litigants over the years have found out, firm belief in the righteousness of one's cause is no guarantee of success at the Court.

Yet, the case, and the involved agitation, is largely irrelevant in the larger scheme of education in the country. Reservations, in a few Central Government institutions, for a few thousand seats is hardly going to cause radical changes in the social fabric of the country or cause too much damage to the already eroding educational infrastructure in the country.

Reading the Supreme Court judgment, most of YfE’s main contentions about "quality" have been sort of accepted by the Supreme Court with the imposition of cut offs for reserved seats as well, and the reversion of reserved seat to the general category if not filled up. In fact the direction to remove the creamy layer from the scope of the reservations means that a large number of the seats are likely to go unfilled since, let us face it, reservations are targeted at the creamy layer.

Don’t be surprised.

Examine the aspect of reservations in higher education institutions closely, and you will realize that it was always aimed at the creamy layer of that particular section in society. After all, higher education is not open to everyone and only those with the pre-requisite educational attainment, funds and the necessary family support (i.e. not having to work immediately after school to support the family) can seriously take up higher education.

As reservations have not been accompanied by a serious effort at increased primary school enrolment and improving access to education, it is with no surprise that one finds that the benefits are cornered a specific advantaged group within the disadvantaged sections. So, when more reservations are announced for more groups (identified apparently on more or less the same grounds as SCs/STs) the immediate beneficiaries are obviously the "creamy layer".

By excluding the creamy layer, the Court has effectively removed the prime beneficiaries of the reservation scheme from the picture. When Mayawati and the chief justice of India K.G. Balakrishnan, refer to the economically backward among forward castes deserving reservations, they are tacitly accepting that reservations in higher education institutions, in their present form, are aimed at benefiting the creamy layer only.

Those in that creamy layer form a significant chunk of people who can take advantage of the reservations, and by neatly slicing them off the top, the Supreme Court has effectively reduced the scope and ambit of the reservations.

However, the Supreme Court’s decision does not apply to SCs and STs, even though reservations for these groups are also specifically aimed at the creamy layer. The Constitution is very clear on this. Special privileges to SCs and STs are hinged on historical discrimination, and not on specific socio-economic factors as in the case of OBCs. Even if all the reserved seats in a category are cornered by the creamy layer of an SC or a group of STs, it is what the Constitution intends as “just compensation”, if you could call it, for generations of inequity.

It is therefore no surprise that political parties have gone into a huddle trying to figure out how to overcome the creamy layer bit of the judgment. The initial claims of "victory" have been now replaced with much brainstorming over how to skirt around the barriers put up by the Supreme Court.

YfE seems to have disappeared off the radar for a while, especially given the investment into this case that has seen them "lose", at least on paper.

So, if YfE “lost” the case, Arjun Singh got himself a Pyrrhic victory, the creamy layers of the OBCs were removed from the picture, and the UPA left feeling a bit like G.W. Bush after the ill-timed “Mission Accomplished” photo-op, who really “won” this case?

Who has come out with a net gain, probability of future gains, and no discernible loss in any field?

The answer, as in all such matters, is simple.

Lawyers.

The 85th edition of the TIME magazine (page 22 to be precise) has an article which kinda bowled me out.
According to the article, Mayawati may well be a potential candidate for the post of Prime Minister for the next general election.

Here are the reasons why she is considered for the coveted post:

• She is a Dalit
• She is the Chief Minister of India's most populated state- UP
• She is from BSP
• Since both INC and BJP won’t win a single majority, she may well turn out to be the deciding factor. Which means – she would be the King maker, or should I say – Queen Maker.

The article also states:

• She is under CBI investigation
• She is worth (declared assets) $13m.
• A self declared “living goddess”

The day Mayawati becomes the PM of India; the country will truly go to the dogs!

Aushutosh Gowrikar of Lagaan fame has done precisely that to the image of Jodha Bai a Rajput Queen of middle ages and the Mughal King Akbar who is remembered as one of the few benevolent despots who have given this country a symbol of administrative reforms and spirit of religious tolerance .

Having failed to meet success at the oscar nominations for his period film Lagan , Gowrikar has come out with a more calculated assault on the Oscar battlefield through Jodah Akbar romance which the film claims is not reported in history ( the name of the princess and her relation ship with Akbar is also doubted) but the expensive film with lavish squandering on objects of visual pleasure appears to be attempting to become a historical magnum opus. Nobody wishes to join the issue of historical credibility with Mr. Gowrikar but pray Mr. Gowrikar why did you thrust this plastic beauty of Indian screen to wipe out the memories of Jodha Bai so powerfully projected by the legendary Durga Khote. And your Akbar…although young , but can he ever be expected to adorn the throne occupied by powerful personae of Prithviraj Kapoor in Mughal-e-Azam which is etched in the memory of generations of cinegoers .

A good documentary for Rajasthan Tourism or chalu stuff for a good tear jerker TV serial to be watched by Saas Bahus in the afternoon , or a modern presentation of Vikram Betal stories is what you have produced Mr. Gowrikar with so much fanfare. Your bundle of mini stories of religious hysteria , Saas bahu tussle ,wimpish Rajpoot princes , plotting brother-in-law, fanatic ulemas and incognito visits of young emperor to see the status of his praja could have created a long running TV serial because each episode is a mini thriller but not the part of a story of any interesting substance. The only tears which come to the eyes of an intelligent cinegoer are due to strain of spending 200 minutes in the theatre for witnessing your mediocrity.

And there was a feeling of relief after coming out of the hall for one more reason. That was for the realization that the romantic excitement of Madhubala, Dilip Kumar pair in Mughl-e-Azam would remain beyond the reach of producers for all times and the movie would remain the true Moughal amongst the movies as tribute to the genius of it’s producer and Director.

Madam Ashwarya Rai may now try her luck with some other fake piece of history because this one again seems to have floundered like remake of Umrao Jaan…despite the hidden support of dad-in-law by way of unworthy praise of a dance sequence filmed on Hrithik Roshan. Cinegoers having seen the Mughal movies like Anarkali and Mughal-e-Azam will have to recall the emotional thrill of “Pyar kiya to darna kya “ dance number performed so tantalizingly by Madubala and the Quawalis of the films produced in sixties when they want to think of a piece of art which is highly entertaining and also intellectually satisfying , while the likes of Aishwarya and Aushotosh will fade away from the scene in no time.

And now last but not the least, the latest news  reports say that Mayawati Ji Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh has chosen this occasion to garner some votes from Rajput community by placing a ban on the movie (just two days after the MP High Court quashed a ban of similar nature and under full realization that hers would also be a short lived ban). The scenario is a bit  comical in the sense that Akbar the great warrior of middle ages has come to the rescue of another damsel in distress in modern times by helping her recover some popularity in Rajput community .

"What time will the bus start?".

"8.15", the staff answered.

"But it's already 8.15."

"That's by your watch. In my watch, it's still ten minutes to 8.15."

I moved my eyes through the bus to lookout for vacant seats. Settled for a seat at the front, although many were still vacant at the back. The side seat had a girl busy with listening to some pop numbers on her mobile headphone. A young boy dressed in a dirty old shirt and jeans came ahead to warn me against occupying the seat. "This is a staff seat and you would have to get up once the bus starts". Unfortunately, the bus was more than full by the time. I tried to fight back claiming that there already was this girl sitting and why such undue favours to the womankind. Looking back at the crowd for support though revealed a different kind of picture. A majority of the people already had sealed themselves from the hollering through headphones. Helplessly, I moved out from the seat.

Taking my place by one of the back seats, I was more open to the different people boarding the bus and the situations they were in. A group of labourers, most probably from Bihar, was returning back to Noida after vacationing at their native place. They were herded to the back of the bus with their luggage (each of them carried at least a travel bag and a jute bag). Now where will this group be adjusted? For the bus conductor though, this was child's play. He soon adjusted the bags on the side stands anywhere there was vacant space. As for the men, they were rallied to the back.

A burly guy boarded the bus with a girl half his size. "Get the ladies to the cabin", one of the staffs announced as this couple was trying to get to the back. When the girl opposed, she was settled at the staff seat, which i had to vacate at the start. Though i had planned to oppose such kind of favouritism, i backed watching the strong beneficiary. The guy stood nearby.

Ladies instantly made way for the cabin. This essentially has seat for not more than 8-9 people, but was now holding as many as 15 or more. With the delhi government ordering against seating people on the bonnet, the girls who now felt fortunate to get a seat at least on the bonnet, would soon have to leave their seats until they enter noida border.

No one was allowed to stand at the entrance to the bus. The weaker ones (one who couldn't resist the orders by the bus staff) were forced to the end. The stronger ones kept standing at their preferred places (Me included. Since i was aggreived at not being offered the seat, the staff wasn't forcing things upon me).

An elderly man came in tearing the crowd. He appeared tired as he moved his hands to find a handkercheif to wipe of the sweat. None of those sitting were moved enough to offer this elderly person a seat. I made some place for him to stand along.

The staff was busy bringing in more and more passengers. Those outside the bus kept on shouting Naveda, Naveda. By now, there was already three lines of people standing by the seats.

The bus finally moved at 8.25 ( the buswallah's watch showed 8.15). Meandering it's way through Kashmere Gate, it halted at Lal Quila to take in more passengers. With the way the bus staff got down to have tea and bidi, it was clear that the halt would be longer. Passengers from nearby Old Delhi Station board the bus from here with more voluminous luggage. However, thanks to the skillful bus conductor, experienced in managing crowd on the bus, all of these will be accomodated.

The bus finally moved after a long ten minutes halt only to be caught in a long traffic jam. Although the road leading to Lal Quila upto Daryaganj is fraught with traffic jams, still the buswallahs would come through this route, rather than the comparatively freeer Ring Road, because of the large number of passengers that can be found here.

Only when the bus reached the Ring Road from Daryaganj that it moved freely. Moving through IG Stadium, ITO and Indra Prashtha Metro Station, the bus came to Noida More. More people boarded the bus. But as the bus was destined to, it easily accomodated them. A women dressed in a body hugging kurta and churidar also boarded the already packed bus. In her black gogs, she looked really hot. And as men will always be, one of them started taking advantage of the crowd (as she alleged). Bearing with this guy for long, the women finally erupted with anger. The man soon drew deep into the crowd, trying to save face.

Crossing over Yamuna river through a wide four-laned bridge, the bus reached Akshardham Temple. Modelled on the Akshardham Temple in Gujarat, this massive building in red stone has recently entered the Guinness Book of World Records for being the largest Hindu temple. Mayur Vihar Phase I is the next big stand where more local passengers board the bus. Although Noida is not more than ten minutes from this place, it takes longer because of the traffic snarls, thanks to the Delhi Metro works. The Reliance people are building a gigantic retail complex here. Already many big brands have put up their billboards here.

Winding through the traffic, the bus finally moves into Noida. Mayawati, now Chief Minister of UP, has had a giant gate created at the entrance to Noida/UP with a big Buddha statue in peaceful pose welcoming all. Enter Gol Chakkar

At Gol Chakkar there was more excitement waiting to happen. A boy suddenly found that his mobile was missing. He immediately raised alarm. He wanted the bus staff to co-operate but they weren't willing to. "You must have forgot your mobile at home". However, when trying to call back, the phone appeared switched off. Pick-pockets have turned so hi-tech these days. The boy finally gave up and took one of the vacated seats devastated.

Gol Chakkar is the destination of a majority of the passengers. So there was a commotion at the gates with everyone wanting to get out of the bus fast. People, luggage, kids- everyone vying to get down fast.

Silence precedes a storm (as they say). Here there was silence after a storm. With only a few passengers left over to continue their journey, the silence was disturbing, particularly after the hour long commotion that we were subjected to.

A few minutes later, the conductor announced sector 16. I was to get down here to appear for an interview. "Won't you have problems in commuting", the interviewer questioned. "Not at all", I said. In my mind though, I was thinking about the hardships i have agreed to by commuting from Delhi to Noida.

Now, when Raj Thackeray has been stirring the North Indian pot in Bombay, the lieutenant-governor of Delhi, Tejinder Khanna, has stirred the (North Indian) hornet's nest by asserting that Delhi has one of the highest accident rates in the country because North Indians take pride in breaking the law and getting away with it. ''It's a specialty of people from North India. They feel proud when they break the law and get away with it,'' he said. "North Indians have no traffic sense. People in the south are disciplined on the roads and have good traffic sense." The remark has drawn the ire of such law-abiding Indians as Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mayawati.

Questions: Do North Indians have a greater contempt for the law? Are South Indians more respectful of the law? Or is this just a ridiculous generalisation because you find all types everywhere? Given the intra-country migrations happening within the country, could the lawlessness spread?

Also read: Would War have made South Indians different?