Another three camps came up beside the main agitation mancha, obstructing the Durgapur expressway. These camps are addition to remaining 21 camps already set up in Singur. Adamant Trinamool leaders kept up their defiant stand when National Highway Authority of India (NHAI) project director Avdhesh Singh reached the dharna mancha. Mamata Banerjee didn’t meet him but conveyed that agitators were not relenting through her colleague Kalyan Banerjee.

The condition is still not conducive for resuming traffic movement. NHAI is losing Rs.2.5 million per day as toll. State home secretary Ashok Mohan Chakrabarti also held that the agitators need to obey the court order.

Young software professionals and students disgusted with the agitation, came out in streets at Saltlake Sector-V raising slogans that they want Tatas in Bengal. Cracks also appeared in the local Trinamool camp in Singur. Kushal Saha, a staunch Trinamool supporter and former gram panchayat pradan of Beraberi Purbapara maintains that agitation has moved out of hands. However, Mamata isn’t taking note. She is overpowered by a group of naxalite and SUCI men from outside who perhaps want a rerun of killings of Nandigram in a bid to renew their theory of state repression for their own existence. The tactic worked wonders in the panchayat elections where she could make inroads in the CPM bastions of South Bengal with aprties like SUCI. Mamata is thus taking extra-constitutional measures to make her party survive, defying courts and governments.

However, that is not enough. The real need for education lies lower down the political ladder, at the level of panchayats and muncipal councils. What academic and political education have these panchayat board presidents and councillors have, that will help them deliver in their roles? We dont blink before blaming politicians for all the ills that have befallen the country. Not for a moment do we consider that they have volunteered to do something that most educated Indians shirk away from. Yes, there is corruption. But, no man intends to be purely corrupt. Surely, every politician must have some longing, in a corner of his heart, to do good to people, apart from filling his own coffers. The trouble is, he seldom knows how to do good, even if he wants to. He doesnt have the education and experience to help him in that task.

This is a where a well-structured 'Politician Development Program' can make a difference. Sow the seeds of possibilities in the minds of our panchayat and muncipality members, show them the way, equip them with ideas and processes, showcase the great deeds of their peers; I think this will do wonders to the grass-root politics in the country.

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The pilot project is started in nine panchayats in Mankada block in Malappuram district.  This project is likely to be carried on to every district of the state with the help of local bodies.

There are proposals of starting insurance schemes as well as other welfare schemes for the NRKs. Government is also looking at different methods to curb the anti-socials involved in human trade associated with NRKs.

The state-run Keltron had been entrusted with the task of preparing the cards, he added.

Mother India is a film about an Indian peasant family of Northern India, struggling to survive in a rural community and coming to terms with a newly independent country, freed by the British Colonial Rule. The film starts with a newly married couple, Radha (Nargis) and Shamu (Raj Kumar), who are married in a traditional style. The wedding was paid for by a loan raised by the groom's mother, from a typical, crooked money-lender Sukhi Lala (Kanhaiya Lal). Immediately after the wedding, the terms of the loan are revealed to the young couple. The conditions of the loan are disputed by the newly-weds but the Panchayat (village elders) rules in the lender's favor. Shamu and Radha are forced to forfeit 75% of their crop just as interest on the loan of 500 rupees. The couple tries to till more land to alleviate the hardship but in the process, Shamu's arms are crushed by a boulder. A crippled Shamu abandons his family in shame, leaving behind three small children and a young bride.

The theme of the film is the struggle of a single mother (Mother India), left helpless by the husband and the society in general. She fights the challenges of life with grit and honor. Two of her surviving sons grew up as Birju (Sunil Dutt) and Ramu (Rajendra Kumar). The story line is rooted in the soil of India and is easily identified by the masses. The performances of Nargis in particular and Sunil Dutt in general were of exceptional caliber. Mehboob Khan's direction was virtually perfect. The music of Naushad Ali was popular beyond expectations. I watched the film atleast a dozen times over the last 50 years and so did a lot of people in India.

Click here to read Bengali version [PDF]

The results of the Panchayat Elections have been declared in West Bengal. Going beyond the wildest imaginations of both the ruling Party and the opposition, rural Bengal has given its verdict against the CPIM. In its 31 years of uninterrupted rule, the Left Front has never taken such a hit. The fact that it was unexpected makes the crisis even more critical.

Naturally, one is forced to revisit all the debates surrounding the Left Front’s policies in the last two years. In this article, we will probe the debates in the light of the Panchayat Elections. We will try to show those honest, dedicated Party workers who still build their dreams around the Party that the leadership is taking them down a path of certain destruction.

We can begin somewhat like this: how does the CPIM top brass view the election results? Even with the bits and pieces of commentary that we have received till now, there is much scope for analysis.

1. A part of the leadership has endeavored to portray the results as “not too bad”.

That is to say, they are of the opinion that the results have been a little below par in some districts, something that can be mended. They would go as far as to say that the results have in fact been quite good, if one remembers the way the media, reactionaries, and a section of the intellectuals have spread false propaganda about the Party.

We have two things to say about this.

First: did those who are saying this now warn the Party beforehand? No. Because they couldn’t predict the impending disaster. Why is it then that they are turning away from reality now? Is there any greatness in deluding Party workers? Or is it that they themselves do not want to face the fact that they are disconnected from the needs and aspirations of impoverished rural people?

Second: Disputing the fact that the results have been bad shows reluctance in undertaking a journey of self-criticism and analysis. That is even worse, and is the biggest problem of the CPIM. It is treading the well-known path of dogmatic politics: an inability to find fault with oneself even as one is fast disappearing, or only to recognize those faults as legitimate as one finds oneself – to have one’s pride hurt in learning from others, particularly any opposition. The culture of listening to oppositional criticism with any measure of importance has disappeared from the Party. A section of the leadership’s insistence that the results have not been untoward reflects this averseness to self-analysis.

2. The second reaction that has come up from the Party is very common. For a long time, this has been the first reaction of the CPIM to any setback. At least the people of Bengal have heard this time and again. It is: “The people have not understood”. Implicit in this is: “We, the Party, have understood”.

The Party program that results from this mockery of self-analysis is: “The truth must be explained to the people in a better way”.

This process of “explaining” has a number of faces. First it is done with sweet words and proper humility. As that doesn’t work, the person doing the explaining gets impatient. And since what is indisputable above everything is that he is right, that he alone is privy to the truth, he cannot understand why the people do not understand him – the only reasons seem to be “backwardness” (for illiterate villagers) or vested interests (for educated city folk). People who do not understand and who will not obey are thus tagged either as “backward” or as “reactionary”.

Who will rescue those who have lagged behind but the Party? The Party must “force” them to move forward. That cannot be undemocratic, since behind this process of coercion is the Party’s knowledge of the truth, of what is right and what is wrong. Don’t parents force children to do the right thing?

As for the hardened reactionaries, they cannot be convinced – they must be made to obey. The process of buying obedience cannot always remain peaceful. In any case, a case of violence for the greater good has already been made in the Party’s mind.

It is in this way that an apparently democratic and humble viewpoint carries within itself the seeds of violence and coercion.

3. For the first time in two years, a section of the CPIM leadership have acknowledged “arrogance” as a reason for their disconnect with the masses. But the arrogance mentioned has been the arrogance of lower-level Party workers.

It goes without saying that this tactic of denying their own faults is far from reality. The leadership itself has been far more arrogant. Starting from the famous “We’re 235, they’re 30 – who will stop us?” to the inhuman “Paid back in their own coin” and Konar’s “We’ll make their lives a living hell” and the recent remarks from the Party about the Governor or about Swajan, it is beyond a shadow of doubt that on the list of arrogant people it is Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, Biman Basu, Benoy Konar, and Shyamal Chakraborty who come on top. That is, if one leaves out people like Subhas Chakraborty and Lakshman Seth, any mention of whom in a context of Leftist politics can only pollute and vitiate the discussion.

One can say that they have very willfully percolated their arrogance to the lower level cadres. During the whole Nandigram crusade, they inspired the Party to higher and higher levels of barbarity by daily doses of calls for violence. The recapture of Nandigram with anti-social elements was justified by taking the Party to a state of war-like frenzy. “An eye for an eye” – that was the tune to which the entire Party marched, believing that it was a Peoples Army that was marching in Nandigram, when in reality it was the Party’s criminals and mercenaries who were marching.

They believed that if once Nandigram could be captured assertively, then it could be converted to another Keshpur. Rural Bengal would get the message that opposition to land-acquisition would meet the same violent fate.

It goes without saying that the leadership’s strategy was short-sighted. And when today they pass the buck to their lower level members, it shows their inability to take responsibility.

4. Conspiracy Theories:

For the last two years, the CPIM leadership has continuously explained to their members that right-wing reactionaries and the ultra-Left have joined hands, and in collusion with the “ruling classes”, undertaken a program of false propaganda against the Party.

The Party believes, as mentioned earlier, that it alone knows the true Leftist path. It alone knows what is good for the people, and it alone works to protect their interests. And since this conflicts with the interests of the “ruling classes”, the result is false propaganda.

At first this theory couldn’t be propped up properly. The first question one asked was: weren’t the interests of the ruling classes being hurt before? Why is it that now the ruling classes have gone on the offensive? Why is it that even those intellectuals who were preaching for the Left Front in 2006 have suddenly become members of the “ruling classes”? Especially when, the program of industrialization that the CPIM has undertaken can only make big capital happy, and it is in fact making them happy. From the CII to the Bengal Chamber of Commerce, all organizations of industrialists have praised Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and Nirupam Sen with unreserved sincerity.

The 123 Treaty and the US hand could not have come at a more opportune moment. In the style of the classic heart-stopping whodunit, the theory was proposed that since the CPIM was opposing the 123 Treaty, Uncle Sam had funded the Trinamul Congress, the Maoists, and the civil society to weave a web of conspiracy. Innovative, no doubt. The problem is, the debacle in the Panchayat Elections is being explained by this theory and focus is being removed from self-analysis. The more the CPIM relies on such imaginative leadership, the more it will face such debacles – one doesn’t need to know too much about politics to understand that.

5. The results and the policy of industrialization and land-grab.

As of now, the little one gets from the newspapers shows that there is acrimonious debate over this inside the Party. One section claims that land-acquisition played no role in the election results. Purulia, Bankura, West Midnapur – places where land has been acquired or will be – have voted for the CPIM. And in South 24 Parganas – where the issue hasn’t even come up – the Party has faced a debacle. This shows a lack of correlation between the issue of land-grab and the election results. Another section disagrees and claims that the events that unfolded around the issue of land-grab created fear in the minds of people, the overall reflection of which was shown in the Panchayat Election results.

Clearly, the first section, who are speaking for land-grab and industrialization centered on big capital, are the majority. This section is without doubt quite won over by the perceived virtues of capitalism. They don’t give two hoots about things like revolution etc. That isn’t on their agenda. They believe firmly that whatever can be done must be done within the parliamentary setting, and thus remaining in power is the final word (they do not always say as much, due to lingering embarrassment over claims of being Marxists). To them, being “Leftists” implies at most an effort to have a government that is a tiny bit more pro-people than the Right. How much they have succeeded in doing that is on open display.

This section never had any qualms about grabbing land at any cost for capital-centered industrialization (manufacturing or real estate). They still have no second thoughts or guilt, and will brook no delay. They have completely internalized the following classic dictates of neoliberalism:

(a) All other States are bending over, giving concessions to big capital. If we don’t, industrialists won’t come. We will be “left behind”.
(b) Whatever be the costs of land-grab and displacement, “trickle down” will ensure greater employment in the long run. Thus, people who lose their livelihoods will be reabsorbed somehow.

Clearly, this is a capitulation to neoliberalism and has nothing to do with Marxism, working class, etc. What is sad is that in an all-India scenario, it is by dealing with these questions that the Left differentiates itself from the Right. The CPIM leadership has such unshakeable faith in the above two dictates that even amidst the debacle of the elections, they have asserted that land-grab must be done with renewed vigor for the sake of industrialization, and that that is the way out of the crisis.

The second section, which believes that land-grab is the reason behind the debacle, is further divided into two parts. One part doesn’t oppose land-grab. From a political point of view, nothing much sets them apart from the first section. But they are willing to go slow. They want to “explain” to the people the truth that they alone understand, they want to take people with them by conviction and not coercion. They have been won over by neoliberalism, but unlike the first section, they would rather preach than shoot – in that sense, some semblance of a democratic mentality has lingered on. And it within this part – a minority within a minority – that there are some members who are totally against the industrialization policy or are vacillating. They play no role in setting the direction of the Party. According to this writer, it is this section of the CPIM that is the most progressive within the Party, and whether the CPIM will ever play any role in the Communist movement in India depends on how vocal this section is, and whether it can raise itself to a position of influencing Party policy.

**********************************

Let us now come to what we have to say.

The section of the leadership which has tried to convince people that land-acquisition did not influence the election results are making a mistake. Bankura, Purulia, West Midnapur – the land taken there has often been non-cultivable. We do not have examples where land-acquisition in those places has led to loss of livelihood of people. On the other pole is Singur, where six people have already died due to lack of healthcare or depression and suicide. In Nandigram, people would have had to part with their lives, land, livelihood – everything. In Dankuni too plans are underway. People in all three places have rejected the CPIM in the elections. Thus, the verdict is clearly against displacement.

Along with this is the undemocratic, muscle-flexing face of land-acquisition, the pulverization of local resistance by the police and the Party’s anti-socials, the barbaric “Nandigram Line”. People have been terrorized, they have become angry, and their hatred has shown itself in the polls. Of course there are other reasons – the ration riots, the Sachar Committee Report, the dissatisfaction of the CPIM’s allies, etc.

But those who only wish to place importance on other reasons, and thus take focus away from the afore-mentioned ones, are only furthering the cause of big capital.

It is not possible for any party to at once advance the cause of neoliberalism and to hold on to the loyalties of working people indefinitely. This is clear in every state of India. Side by side, it is also partially true, albeit undemonstrated, that if a party were to give priority to the causes of the working class, industrialists would boycott them.

The CPIM has abandoned the interests of the disadvantaged primarily due to three reasons:

1. The CPIM believes that whatever jobs big capital can create, the associated glamour and extent of investment are capable of creating an aspiration, an aspiration that gives many people the hope of getting jobs. Marginalized people are constantly entering and exiting the circle of aspiration surrounding big capital. If the Party has the keys to this movement, then it can maintain its influence on the marginal. This was how it was possible to be on the side of big capital and still have control over working people till now. It is clear that till 2006, this formula worked fine.

2. The CPIM could not have imagined that this process of industrialization could have caused such sufferings just during its preparation, far from its fruition. The fact that this suffering created such a gulf between them and the people was also not on the cards. There was no understanding of the possibility that a government could face dismantling even after following the path of big capital. Rather, they thought that this was the most certain way of remaining in power. Perhaps due to their organizational strength and the resultant self-belief.

3. The third reason is perhaps the most critical. Leftists have always acknowledged the government as another tool for struggle. There are many tools of struggle, and the government is one. But the CPIM leadership has for a long time put every other means in the back burner. They have theorized thus: “relief” is no longer a temporary or intermediate issue, it is the permanent issue. The aim is to remain in power in a long-lasting government. A Party for which this is the be-all and end-all, coupled with the habituation of thirty-one long years, is expectedly terrified at the thought of not being in the government.

In conclusion, then, this is what they have become: it is fine to not build a movement with workers and peasants. It is sufficient if influence is maintained (in other words if the votes keep coming in). If big capitalist development gives that certainty, why not! In the factories, it is sufficient to hold on to influence without engaging in workers movements, but simply by maintaining bargaining power with the management and contracting part-time workers. It is sufficient to hold on to influence without any peasants movements, but simply by controlling the dispensation of job possibilities, government schemes, and aid.

This path has been followed successfully for the last twenty years. What the CPIM has failed to understand is that the selflessness of struggle and the influence born of power are not the same things. And that when big capital advances, even “relief” programs fall flat on their faces. Then the people cannot be bought over by dispensing relief. What is needed is a movement. Because they have failed to grasp this, the working class has long since started to abandon the CPIM. From the 1990’s itself, when VRS was used in the factories to lay off workers while CITU leaders were busy explaining that movements could not be made, if they were the factories would shut down. And now it is the turn of the peasantry. One or two land-grabs have made the CPIM wobbly, demonstrating clearly the shallowness of relief schemes.

The West Bengal CPIM is thus facing a crisis that they have never faced previously, that questions many areas of their central politics. The advance of big capital has made the limitations of relief politics clear. They are confronted by some clear questions:

1. Will they stand for big capital or for peasants and workers? (The days of appeasing both are drawing to an end).

2. Will they cling on to the government at any cost? Or will they lead working people in their struggle – in the face of possible threat of boycott by big industrialists?

3. Like a right-wing government, and with other right-wing governments, will they continue the competition of giving concessions to industrialists and making SEZs? Or will they stand with the various anti-SEZ struggles, big and small, that are growing all over the country, stand with all the peasant movements that are growing up against displacement?

It is the answers to these questions that will determine the fate of the CPIM.

Translated by Kuver Sinha, Sanhati

Last time, around 500 Independents, including those owing allegiance to parties like the CPI-ML, KPP and the SUCI, had contested in the three-tier panchayat polls in the district. This year, the number is 768.

“Around 400 of them are either members of some political party or dummy candidates contesting as Independents. The remaining, however, are people who are not usually associated with politics. They include people with different occupations and even housewives,” a senior official of the Jalpaiguri district administration said.

The trend is prevalent in the tea belt of the Dooars. Sitamoni Oraon, who runs a group called Mahila Jagriti in Damdim-Bagrakote near Malbazar, said: “Many of our members have filed nominations as Independents. The elected panchayats ruled by political parties have implemented very few development projects in our villages. If elected, we will sit with villagers and chalk out plans to work for them.”

In the closed Ramjhora Tea Estate, 30-year-old Aruna Ghatal is in the race for a panchayat seat as an independent candidate. “Many people in our garden are not ready to buy the stories of political leaders because in the past five years, the garden’s condition has deteriorated,” she said. “So we have filed nominations to work for our the people.”

In Jalpaiguri Sadar block, a similar trend can be seen in Kadobari, Berubari and Paharpur village panchayats.

Some political leaders are not ready to read too much into the matter.

“We have lived up to the expectations of the people. Our candidates work according to a specific development plan and stand by the people all through the year,” said Chanu Dey, the Malbazar zonal committee secretary of the CPM. “We expect better results in all three tiers this time.” [The Telegraph]

The woman was first robbed of her dignity by a couple of men and then again and again by our legal system....by the people who were supposed to protect her. The progress our country makes is worthless unless we learn to protect and respect our women.

Criticising the role of state urban development minister Mr Asok Bhattacharya Mr Gurung said that the minister could now go to Darjeeling without any hesitation. “He is talking in delirium and he needs curative medicine to be healed” Mr Gurung commented. GCDP president Mr Ashutosh Barma too came down heavily on the CPI-M and asked people to get united for a massive movement to get a separate state and recognition of their mother tongue. Mr Barma had said that they want people to cast votes against the CPI-M candidates. GCDP is in favour of people's conscience-vote at the places they were not able to field candidates.

The GCDP and its allies fielded 526 candidates in 1,668 gram panchayat seats and 128 candidates in 353 panchayat samiti seats in Cooch Behar district. They also fielded 25 candidates in 29 ZP seats.
The GCDP president had alleged the CPI-M forced their candidates to stay away from the polls. "Coercing and threatening is being done to weaken the morale of GCDP supporters," he said. They could not field candidates in several seats in blocks like Mathabhanga, Sitalkuchi, he had said. [The Statesman]

Additional solicitor general Gopal Subramanium told the court — which had asked the CBI on January 20, 2005 to look into allegations that lottery king Subba was not an Indian national — that several documents, including Subba’s birth certificate, were “not genuine” and appeared to have been forged.

The CBI observations have come as a blow to the ruling Congress in Assam with the party having started preparations for the Lok Sabha elections.

A lottery baron, Subba is known to be the key fund-raiser for the party.

A senior Congress leader, who did not wish to be named, said the development had come as a huge embarrassment for the party and particularly those who had all along been backing Subba. “The current state leadership was not at all happy over the role that Subba had been playing.”

General secretary and party spokesman Haren Das said he had only heard about the matter and was in no position to make any comments.

Ripun Bora, a minister and government spokesman, echoed him saying it was a “sensitive matter” and still sub judice. He said it was for the party high command to comment.

“Personally speaking,” though, he said given that the CBI was the premier investigating agency and the Supreme Court the apex judicial body, “I feel that Subba should resign on moral grounds till his name is cleared of the controversy. I am one of the persons who have been saying that his citizenship is doubtful.”

The CBI had filed its report in a sealed cover but Subramanium, appearing for the CBI, made it clear that all the contents were against Subba. All candidates have to reveal their antecedents in their nomination forms for the polls.

The petitioner, Birendra Nath Singh, had alleged that Subba, who represents Tezpur parliamentary constituency of Assam, was actually a Nepali citizen, Mani Raj Limboo, who fled that country after committing a crime and illegally settled in India.

A bench, headed by Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan, then directed the CBI to hand over a copy of the report to Subba, through his counsel Abhishek Manu Singhvi, so that he could reply to the charges.

Subba has been given six weeks to prepare his defence.

This is not the first time that Subba’s nationality has been called into question. The CBI had probed his antecedents way back in 1997 after the then chief minister raised doubts on his citizenship with the Prime Minister. But the matter died down till Singh filed his PIL in the Supreme Court in 2005, reopening the issue.

The Nepal government had earlier said Mani Raj Limboo alias Mani Kumar Subba was a resident of village Somangkhu, ward 8, Sangsabu, Tamarkhola area gram panchayat, district Taplejung, Eastern Nepal.

After the matter came up again with the filing of a PIL in the Supreme Court, the CBI, on the basis of its earlier investigation, wrote to the home ministry that Subba’s name was not found on the electoral rolls of Assam for 1979 but it existed in 1985, 1993 and 1997.

However, no document regarding his citizenship could be collected and the earliest record of purchase of land in Lakhimpur district was 1978-79. One of his wives claimed to have visited his native place in Nepal saying he was known as Mani Raj Limboo but she could not provide any documentary evidence, the CBI said.

The agency said a vigilance inquiry in Sikkim in 1985 had revealed that he was a Nepali citizen but as copies of the report were not available, “no final view”’ could be taken. [The Telegraph]

THE POLITICAL mosaic in the hills of Darjeeling has undergone a sea change. The fledgling Gorkha Jan Mukti Morcha is in absolute command and has wrested both influence and power over the hill people from the ageing supremo of the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), Subhas Ghisingh who ran the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) as his fiefdom for over two decades.

While the GNLF resorted to road blocks and indefinite bandhs from the very beginning of its bloody agitation in the lush green hills and went into armed confrontations with the police, CRPF and the CPI (M), the Morcha, though its has taken a leaf out of the GNLF book, seems to be more inclined towards achieving their demand of a separate state of Gorkhaland through negotiations.

The Morcha President Bimal Gurung, a one time middle ranking leader of the GNLF broke away and formed the Gorkha Jan Mukti Morcha. In six months it became a force to reckon with when it took on Subhas Ghisingh and his powerful GNLF. Morcha members went for the jugular straightaway by stopping Ghisingh from climbing the hills after a visit to New Delhi for talks on bringing Darjeeling under the Sixth Schedule.

Roads were blocked and Ghisingh was virtually gheraoed when he was forced to put up in Pintail village in the foothills of Siliguri. He remained confined for nearly a week before leaving for Kolkata hoping that the Left Front government would intervene.

The Morcha had two basic demands at that stage. One that Ghisingh step down immediately as caretaker administrator of the DGHC and that Darjeeling should not be brought under the Sixth Schedule.

The state government while initially backing Ghisingh realised that he no longer wielded power and influence over the hill people and that the Morcha had upstaged him. He was asked to resign from his post which Ghisingh complied with on March 10. The Morcha too resorted to prolonged bandhs and economic blockades and continues with its programmes. At the same time, however, it also seems to be giving dialogue a chance.

A three-member Morcha delegation left for Kokata on Tuesday to hold the second round of talks with the state chief secretary, Amit Kiran Deb. That the Morcha wants a political solution is clear, for it wants the revival of the panchayats in the Darjeeling hills among the other issues at stake. A meeting will be held April 23 at Writers' Buildings, the state secretariat.

The three member Morcha team comprises its general secretary Roshan Giri and central committee members D.K. Pradhan and Tilak Roka. "We will discuss a number of issues with the chief secretary, including revival of the panchayats in the hills," Roshan Giri told reporters.

The Morcha wants early elections to the hill panchayats, which has been due since 2005. Following the ousting of Ghisingh as the DGHC caretaker administrator, Morcha leaders wanted restoration of the three-tier panchayat system in the hills.

The delegation will also lodge a formal complaint against the Darjeeling district administration which is coming in the way of the Morcha holding its programmes in support of its demands in the foothills. The Morcha will hold a public rally at Baghajatin Park in Siliguri on April 27 though they are yet to get permission.

With the Morcha having the support of a large section of the hill population which in more ways than one was compelled to follow Ghisingh's leadership, the Left Front government has little choice but to lend the Morcha an ear.

The state poll panel today extended by a day the last date for withdrawal of nomination papers for the first two phases of the panchayat elections on May 11 and 14, removing a roadblock before Mamata Banerjee’s 12-hour shutdown on April 21.

The Trinamul Congress was in two minds whether to go ahead with the Monday shutdown against price rise as it would have stood in the way of the poll process. The last day for withdrawing nominations assumes significance because of an undeclared reason: this is when deals are struck and some candidates drop out to ensure votes are not split.

However, with the Election Commission thoughtfully giving more time, Mamata is now certain to press ahead with the bandh.

But the Election Commission said it had its own reasons to defer the deadline. April 21 was also scheduled for scrutiny of nomination papers for the third phase of polls on May 18.

“If you please, you may call it the poll panel’s support to the bandh. It’s your way of looking at things. But it is our duty to ensure that candidates of political parties can withdraw their nomination papers without any trouble,” state election commissioner Ashok Gupta said.

“Besides, I must see to it that my officials can carry out the scrutiny of nomination papers for the third phase of the polls. As both the withdrawal of nomination papers and the scrutiny of nomination papers for the third phase fall on April 21, the day on which a Bangla bandh has been called, I was left with no option other than to extend the date by a day,” he added.

However, in its zeal to help candidates, the Election Commission seems to have unwittingly given Trinamul a chance to crow and credit the panel with an accomplishment that is not part of its job.

Trinamul president Subrata Bakshi said: “It’s good that the poll panel has risen to the occasion by judging people’s support behind the April 21 bandh.”

If Trinamul is celebrating the survival of the bandh, the CPM is not complaining either. CPM state secretariat member Benoy Konar said: “We are against the bandh and we will oppose it. But what will the Election Commission do if a bus carrying candidates in Nandigram is attacked by bandh supporters?”

The Election Commission virtually pleaded helplessness and echoed Konar. “If transport is not allowed to ply on the bandh day, how can the candidates travel to block development offices for withdrawal of their nomination papers?” Gupta asked.

Former poll panel chief Ajoy Sinha said a shutdown in the run-up to the panchayat polls was unheard of. “I can’t recall a single instance of a bandh being called while the election process is on,” Sinha said. [The Telegraph]

पंचायत और ग्रामीण विकास विभाग के अनुसार राज्य के सोलह पुराने जिलों में से फिलहाल पन्द्रह जिलों में यह योजना चल रही है, जहां आठ हजार 822 ग्राम पंचायतों में 28 लाख 45 हजार 372 परिवारों का पंजीयन कर इन सभी परिवारों को रोजगार कार्ड दिए जा चुके हैं। इस कार्ड के आधार पर रोजगार की मांग करने वाले ग्रामीणों को सर्वोच्च प्राथमिकता के साथ स्थानीय ग्राम पंचायत द्वारा रोजगार देने की व्यवस्था की जा रही है। आगामी एक अप्रेल से शुरू हो रहे नये वित्तीय वर्ष 2008-09 में दुर्ग जिले को भी इस योजना में शामिल कर लिया जाएगा। इसके लिए वहां सभी तैयारियां तेजी से चल रही है। दुर्ग जिले में इस योजना के लिए ग्राम पंचायतों के माध्यम से अब तक दो लाख 05 हजार परिवारों का पंजीयन किया जा चुका है। इन्हें मिलाकर अगले वित्तीय वर्ष में इस योजना के लिए पंजीकृत परिवारों की संख्या 30 लाख 50 हजार से अधिक हो जाएगी। वर्तमान में योजना के तहत तीस हजार 653 निर्माण कार्य चल रहे है, जिनमें औसतन 13 लाख ग्रामीणों को प्रतिदिन रोजगार मिल रहा है।

योजना के लिए उपलब्ध एक हजार 417 करोड़ 62 लाख रूपए के आवंटन में से एक हजार 175 करोड़ 55 लाख रूपए खर्च किए जा चुके हैं। पिछले महीने तक की स्थिति में बिलासपुर जिले में उपलब्ध 234 करोड़ रूपए के आवंटन में से 231 करोड़ 76 लाख रूपए, सरगुजा जिले में 178 करोड़ 40 लाख रूपए मे ंसे 134 करोड़ 35 लाख रूपए, रायगढ़ जिले में 133 करोड़ 66 लाख रूपए से 87 करोड़ रूपए, और बस्तर (जगदलपुर) जिले में 110 करोड़ 93 लाख रूपए से 101 करोड़ रूपए खर्च किए गए हैं। राजनांदगांव जिले में इस दौरान 111 करोड़ 18 लाख रूपए के उपलब्ध आवंटन से विभिन्न रोजगार मूलक कार्यों पर 85 करोड़ रूपए, कबीरधाम (कवर्धा) जिले में 102 करोड़ 60 लाख रूपए के आवंटन में से 59 करोड़ रूपए, रायपुर जिले में 86 करोड़ 77 लाख रूपए की उपलब्ध राशि से 72 करोड़ 25 लाख रूपए, उत्तर बस्तर (कांकेर) जिले में 90 करोड़ 81 लाख रूपए के उपलब्ध आवंटन में से 85 करोड़ 87 लाख रूपए, धमतरी जिले में 65 करोड़ 27 लाख रूपए की उपलब्ध राशि से 62 करोड़ 87 लाख रूपए, जशपुर जिले में 68 करोड़ 30 लाख रूपए में से 55 करोड़ 15 लाख रूपए, कोरिया जिले में 50 करोड़ 45 लाख रूपए में से 41 करोड़ 60 लाख, कोरबा जिले में 35 करोड़ 87 लाख रूपए में से 34 करोड़ 60 लाख, दक्षिण बस्तर (दंतेवाड़ा) जिले में 59 करोड़ 48 लाख रूपए में से 57 करोड़ 38 लाख रूपए और जांजगीर-चाम्पा जिले में 43 करोड़ 08 लाख रूपए में से 32 करोड़ 10 लाख रूपए पिछले माह तक खर्च किए जा चुके हैं।

यह भी उल्लेखनीय है कि विगत दो फरवरी को राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण रोजगार गारंटी योजना के दो वर्ष पूर्ण हो चुके हैं। चालू वर्ष के स्वीकृत 65 हजार 641 कार्यों को मिलाकर राज्य में इस योजना के तहत दो वर्ष में एक लाख से अधिक विभिन्न प्रकार के रोजगार मूलक कार्य मंजूर किए जा चुके हैं, जिन पर एक हजार 585 करोड़ 38 लाख रूपए की धनराशि खर्च की गयी है। इनमें सबसे ज्यादा 24 हजार 418 कार्य ग्रामीण सड़क नेटवर्क के लिए मंजूर किए गए थे। जल संरक्षण और पानी रोकने के लिए विभिन्न प्रकार के 11 हजार  327 कार्य भी विगम दो वर्ष में इस योजना के तहत मंजूर किए गए। इसके अलावा भूमि विकास और भूमि समतलीकरण के 32 हजार 552, अनुसूचित जातियों और जनजातियों की जमीनों पर सिंचाई सुविधा उपलब्ध कराने के लिए नौ हजार 421, परम्परागत जल निकायों के नवीनीकरण के संबंधित 9140, लघु सिंचाई योजनाओं के तीन हजार 112 और बाढ़ नियंत्रण और सुरक्षा से संबंधित 634 कार्य भी पिछले दो वर्ष में मंजूर किए गए।

Darjeeling, March 5: The Bengal government might hand over the charge of the DGHC to a divisional commissioner (DC) once Subash Ghisingh resigns from the post of the caretaker administrator of the council. [Inset: Gorkha ex-servicemen at a rally demanding Gorkhaland in Darjeeling on Wednesday. Picture by Suman Tamang]

The GNLF chief announced in Delhi today that he would send his resignation papers to the governor from Siliguri tomorrow. He had been ordered by the state government to relinquish his post within March 10.

About the new arrangement that is being mulled by the state, a source said: “The government is looking at handing over charge to the divisional commissioner of Jalpaiguri and also wants to conduct elections to the council within six months.”

The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha had earlier said it has no objection to the government plan to appoint a senior IAS officer to take charge of the council. About elections, however, Bimal Gurung, the Morcha president, was not so forthcoming. He had said it was a “secondary” issue for the moment.

Apart from the election to the DGHC, the government has also not been able to hold panchayat polls in the hills, largely because of Ghisingh’s reluctance, since 2005. Political observers believe that the government would at least like to hold the rural elections at the earliest.

Senior GNLF leaders, including Deepak Gurung, I.N. Pradhan and Dawa Pakhrin, the branch presidents of Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong, reached Delhi yesterday to meet Ghisingh.

Party sources, while confirming the visit, said the GNLF leaders were trying to work out a strategy for the coming days. The GNLF chief has written to the Prime Minister to look afresh into the Gorkhaland demand.

Morcha FIR

The Morcha today filed an FIR with the Kurseong police station alleging that GNLF supporters at Latpunchar, 17km from here, had attacked its members at Jholi Gaon with khukuris and threatened them with firearms.

The GNLF has denied the allegation. “Our men never came out with arms and khukuris. As far as the clash on Monday night is concerned, three of our supporters have been arrested,” said K.B. Gurung, a GNLF leader of the area.

Today, the police assured the Morcha that the culprits of last evening’s attack would be arrested. [The Telegraph]

Siliguri, March 3: The Gorkha Jan Mukti Morcha(GJMM) has come out in support of an early Panchayat poll in the hills and at the same time has expressed its willingness to contest in the same.

According to the GJMM Press and Publicity Secretary, Mr Binoy Tamang, the Panchayat polls in the Hills, pending for about three years, should be held ‘as soon as possible’. “Holding the Panchayat polls in the Hills had figured as one of our major demands in the deputation to the Centre. Now that Mr. Subash Ghisingh’s dictatorial regime has collapsed, the democratic process should be initiated by conducting elections in the Hill Panchayats as soon as possible,” Mr. Tamang said.

He explained that the GJMM was favoring the Panchayat polls because ‘Panchayat is a Concurrent Subject’ and it would exist even if the Hills achieved statehood. “Taking part in the Panchayat polls would not contradict our statehood demand in any way. We would campaign for Gorkhaland, before and after the polls as that is our ultimate goal,” the GJMM press and publicity secretary said.

The GJMM, which now enjoys popular support in the Hills, however, sounded non-committal about the DGHC elections. “Let the state government first hold the Panchayat polls then we can discuss the DGHC polls,” Mr. Tamang said. Welcoming the GJMM gesture favoring an early Panchayat polls in the Hills, the Darjeeling District Magistrate, Mr. Rajesh Pandey said that the party should convey the same to the administration.

“If they (GJMM) are saying it to the Press, let them officially convey the same to the district administration. The state government always wanted the polls to be held but could not due to adverse situations,” the DM said. The Panchayat polls were held in May 2000 for the last time in the DGHC area. Although due in 2005, the GNLF chief Mr. Subash Ghisingh denied the same demanding further autonomy to the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. [The Statesman]

 11 Municipal Commissioners Detained!

The Municipal commissioners gathered at the historic Darjeeling Municipality could have hardly imagined that they would find themselves in the situation they are now today. Entrapped and underseize suddenly after the West Bengal Government’s ominous announcement that they could not do anything about Gorkha Janmukti Morcha’s three demands i) the removal of Subash Ghisingh, ii) the annulment of the Sixth Schedule Amendment Bill and iii) the no objection to the formation of the State of Gorkhaland. By the second day (Saturday) it was learnt that the GNLF ward Commissioners who had earlier been camping at Deepak Gurung’s house for months had made their way to the Darjeeling Municipality the day before. Why? It remains unclear but the grapevine has it that the possibility of a GJM seize and the order of the ‘DGHC’ Chairman to get the Municipal Chairman elections through with had forced them to make their way to the Darjeeling Municipality only to find themselves under seize by a ten thousand plus agitating GJM supporters. The police authorities and the District Magistrate requested the GJM supporters including the Central Committee members gathered to offer the Municipal Commissioners some reprieve but to no avail. Roshan Giri, the General Secretary of the party and the one who had lead the team to Kolkata did enter the Municipality and requested the GNLF Municipal Commissioners to stop all election process as the GJM had called for the closure of all Government, Public sector enterprises. The request was not honoured, the election held and Buddha Yolmo, previously of the Conservancy elected as the new Chairman of the Municipality, but yet again as the state of politics have been in the hills, the announcement has not yet been made. The District Magistrate has said that he will be notified by Monday and that the announcement will be made then. Whatever happens, this shows thatno matter what GNLF has still been able to stick to the power. The people of all Panchayats may have pledged their allegiance to Gorkha Janmuti Morcha but the Panchayats themselves remain with the GNLF. Both the State Legislative Assembly members are from the GNLF and the one solitary Member of the Union Parliament inclining towards the GNLF due to AICC pressure. It almost seems that though GJM has a majority of support from the people, GNLF still holds on to power making them still a power to reckon with.

Fact: The Municipality Chaiman’s election has to be held fifteen days after the incumbent’s death. This did not happen

Why?

GNLF: Worsening of Law and Order situation in the town.

GJM: We cannot allow the elections to occur which is in the realm of normal procedure of work and we have demanded for all Government offices to remain close

Fact: No one knew who had the majority in the Municipality

How did GNLF win: It is said that the GNLF Ward Commissioners were either kept in safe houses in Siliguri for months or offered safe haven at Deepak Gurung’s house. The rest who had not already offer their allegiance to GJM were brought under book by last minute negotiations.

Result: GNLF has regained the Municipality but after a life and death struggle.

ப. இசக்கி

திருநெல்வேலி, பிப். 11: தமிழ்நாட்டில் அனைத்து கிராம அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்டத்தின் கீழ் கட்டப்படும் நூலகங்களால் அரசின் நிதி பெருமளவு விரயமாகும் சூழ்நிலை ஏற்பட்டு வருகிறது.

பொது நூலகத் துறையின் நூலகங்கள் உள்ள ஊராட்சிகளிலும் இந்த நூலகங்கள் கட்டப்படுவதால் ஒரே ஊராட்சியில் இரண்டு நூலகங்கள் தேவையா என்ற கேள்வி எழுந்துள்ளது.

தமிழ்நாட்டில் மொத்தம் உள்ள 12,618 கிராம ஊராட்சிகளிலும் அடிப்படை வசதிகளை நிறைவு செய்யும் வகையில் அனைத்து கிராம அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்டம் செயல்படுத்தப்பட்டு வருகிறது.

ஐந்து ஆண்டுகளில் இந்தப் பணிகளை முடிக்கும் வகையில் ஒவ்வொரு ஆண்டும் சுமார் 2,525 கிராமங்களை தேர்வு செய்து தலா ரூ. 20 லட்சம் செலவில் பணிகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டு வருகின்றன.

இதில் கான்கிரீட் சாலை, தெரு விளக்குகள், குளம், இடுகாடு, சுடுகாடு, குடிநீர், விளையாட்டு, கிராம அங்காடிகள் என பல்வேறு பணிகள் செய்யப்படுகின்றன.

அதில் நூலகம் அமைக்கும் பணியும் ஒன்று.

ஒவ்வொரு ஊராட்சியிலும் நூலகக் கட்டடம், இருக்கைகள், புத்தகங்கள் என்ற வகைக்கு கடந்த நிதியாண்டில் ரூ. 2.3 லட்சம் செலவு செய்யப்பட்டது. நிகழ் நிதியாண்டில் இந்தத் தொகை ரூ. 3.33 லட்சமாக உயர்த்தப்பட்டுள்ளது. அதன்படி, நூலகக் கட்டடம் கட்ட ரூ. 2.68 லட்சமும், இருக்கைகள், அலமாரிகள் வாங்க ரூ. 30 ஆயிரமும், புத்தகங்கள் வாங்க ரூ. 35 ஆயிரமும் ஒதுக்கீடு செய்யப்படுகிறது.

ஊரக நூலகங்கள்:

இந்தத் திட்டத்தின் கீழ், திருநெல்வேலி மாவட்டத்தில் மொத்தம் உள்ள 425 ஊராட்சிகளில் கடந்த நிதியாண்டில் 82 ஊராட்சிகளும், நிகழ் நிதியாண்டில் 82 ஊராட்சிகளும் தேர்வு செய்யப்பட்டு பணிகள் நடைபெற்று வருகின்றன. இந்த 164 ஊராட்சிகளிலும் நூலகக் கட்டடங்களும் கட்டப்பட்டு வருகின்றன. இதில் சுமார் 25 ஊராட்சிகளில் ஏற்கெனவே பொது நூலகத் துறையின் கீழ் கிராமப்புற நூலகம் அல்லது பகுதிநேர நூலகம் செயல்பட்டு வருகிறது.

எனவே, அடுத்த 5 ஆண்டுகளில் அனைத்து கிராம அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்டம் முடிவடையும் போது மொத்தமுள்ள 425 ஊராட்சிகளில் கிராமப்புற நூலகம் மற்றும் பகுதிநேர நூலகம் உள்ள 78 ஊராட்சிகளில் இரண்டு நூலகங்கள் இருக்கும்.

இதேபோல, தமிழ்நாட்டில் சுமார் 1,500-க்கும் மேற்பட்ட ஊராட்சிகளில் பொது நூலகத் துறையின் நூலகமும், அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்ட நூலகமும் அமையும் சூழ்நிலை ஏற்பட்டுள்ளது.

இவ்வாறு ஒரே ஊராட்சியில் இரண்டு நூலகங்கள் அமைவதைத் தவிர்க்கும் வகையில், அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்டத்தின் கீழ் நூலகங்களை அமைக்கும் பணியை பொது நூலகத் துறையிடம் ஒப்படைக்க அத்துறையிடம் அரசு கருத்து கேட்டது. ஏற்கெனவே பொருளாதார ரீதியாக நலிவடைந்து வரும் நூலகத் துறையானது, ஒவ்வொரு நூலகத்தையும் பராமரிக்க ஆண்டுக்கு ரூ. 1 லட்சம் வரை செலவாகும் என்பதால் அந்த சுமையை தாங்க இயலாது எனக் கருதி மறுத்துவிட்டது.

எனினும், ஓரளவு நல்ல அடிப்படை வசதிகளுடன் இயங்கி வரும் பொது நூலகத் துறையின் நூலகங்கள் உள்ள இடங்களில் மட்டுமாவது அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்ட நூலகத்திற்கான நிதியை அளித்து அவற்றை வலுப்படுத்தலாம் என நூலகத் துறையினர் வலியுறுத்தினர்.

அதன்படி, கடந்த நிதியாண்டில் திருநெல்வேலி மாவட்டத்தில் சில இடங்களில் அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்ட நூலக நிதியானது பொது நூலகத் துறை நூலகத்திற்கு கட்டடமாகவோ அல்லது இதர மேம்பாட்டு பணிகளுக்காகவோ பயன்படுத்தப்பட்டது. நிகழ் நிதியாண்டில் அது நிறுத்தப்பட்டுவிட்டது.

பஞ்சாயத்து ராஜ் சட்டப்படி ஊராட்சித் தலைவரின் 29 கடமைகளில் ஒன்று நூலகம் பராமரிக்க வேண்டும் என்பதும் அடங்கும். ஆதலால், அனைத்து ஊராட்சிகளிலும் அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்ட நூலகத்தை தனியே அமைத்து விடுவது என ஊரக வளர்ச்சித் துறை முடிவு செய்துள்ளது. இதனால் ஒரே ஊராட்சியில் 2 நூலகங்கள் அமைவது தவிர்க்க முடியாததாகிவிட்டது. இதனால் பெரிய பயன் எதுவும் ஏற்படப் போவதில்லை என்பதோடு அரசு நிதி விரயமாவதுதான் மிச்சம் என்கின்றனர் பொது நூலகத் துறையினர்.

புத்தகங்கள் இல்லை:

இவ்வாறு அரசு நிதியில் ஒரு பகுதியை விரயமாக்கி கட்டப்படும் இந்த புதிய நூலகங்களுக்கு இதுவரை புத்தகங்கள் வழங்கப்படவில்லை.

கட்டடம், இருக்கைகள் மட்டும் உள்ள நிலையில் மாதம் ரூ. 750 ஊதியத்தில் பணியாளரும் நியமிக்கப்பட்டு வருகின்றனர்.

கடந்த முறை திமுக ஆட்சியில் அனைத்து ஊராட்சிகளிலும் தலா ரூ. 5 ஆயிரம் செலவில் புத்தகம் வாங்கப்பட்டு "அய்யன் திருவள்ளுவர் படிப்பகம்' தொடங்கப்பட்டது. தற்போது பெரும்பாலான கிராமங்களில் அந்த படிப்பகத்தின் அடையாளமே இல்லை. அவற்றின் புத்தகங்கள், அண்ணா மறுமலர்ச்சி திட்ட நூலகங்களுக்கு மாற்றப்படுகிறது. எனவே, அய்யன் திருவள்ளுவர் படிப்பகங்களும் விரைவில் அடியோடு மூடப்படும்.

இவ்வாறு ஒன்றை அழித்து மற்றொன்றை உருவாக்கி பொதுமக்கள் வரிப்பணத்தை விரயமாக்குவதைவிட ஏற்கெனவே இருக்கும் பொது நூலகத்தை வலுப்படுத்தினால் நூலகத்தின் நோக்கம் முழுமையாக நிறைவேறும் என்பதே சமூக ஆர்வலர்களின் பொதுவான கருத்து.

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சிறுவர் இலக்கியம் புறக்கணிப்பா?

சென்னை, பிப். 18: தமிழகத்தில் அரசு நூலகங்களுக்கு நூல்கள் வாங்குவதில் சிறுவர் இலக்கிய நூல்கள் புறக்கணிக்கப்படுவதாக எழுத்தாளர்கள் புகார் தெரிவித்துள்ளனர்.

நூல்கள் வாங்குவது தொடர்பான நடைமுறையில் தெளிவு இல்லாததே இதற்குக் காரணம் என்றும் அவர்கள் தெரிவித்தனர்.

தமிழகத்தில் மாநிலம், மாவட்டம் என பல்வேறு நிலைகளில் 3 ஆயிரத்து 700-க்கும் அதிகமான நூலகங்கள் செயல்படுகின்றன. இவை அனைத்தும் பொது நூலகத்துறையின் நிர்வாகத்தின் கட்டுப்பாட்டின் கீழ் வருகின்றன.

இந்த நூலகங்களுக்கு தேவையான நூல்களை தேர்வு செய்து வாங்கும் பொறுப்பும் பொது நூலகத்துறையிடம் அளிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.

இவ்வாறு நூலகங்களுக்கு நூல்கள் வாங்குவது உள்ளிட்ட பணிகளுக்கு கொல்கத்தாவில் உள்ள ராஜாராம் மோகன் ராய் நூலக அறக்கட்டளை ஆண்டுக்கு ரூ. 2 கோடி வரை நிதி உதவி அளிக்கிறது.

மேலும், உள்ளாட்சி அமைப்புகள் மூலம் நூலக வரியாக வசூலிக்கப்படும் நிதியும் மாநில அரசு மூலம் பொது நூலகத்துறைக்கு அளிக்கப்படுகிறது.

இவ்வாறு கிடைக்கும் நிதி ஆதாரங்களை பயன்படுத்தி பொது நூலகத்துறை, நூலகங்களின் கட்டமைப்பு வசதி மற்றும் புதிய நூல்களை வாங்குவது உள்ளிட்ட பணிகளை மேற்கொள்கிறது.

நூல்கள் வாங்குதல்: தமிழகத்தில் ஆண்டுதோறும் சிறுவர் இலக்கியம் முதல் ஆய்வுக்கட்டுரைகள் தொகுப்பு வரை பல்வேறு பிரிவுகளில் ஏராளமான நூல்கள் பதிப்பிக்கப்படுகின்றன.

இந்த நூல்களை அந்தந்த நிதி ஆண்டின் இறுதியில் பதிப்பாளர்கள் பொது நூலகத்துறைக்கு அனுப்ப வேண்டும். அத்துடன் கொல்கத்தா உள்ளிட்ட பல்வேறு இடங்களில் உள்ள தேசிய நூலகங்களுக்கும் நூல்களின் படிகள் அனுப்பப்பட வேண்டும். மேலும், குறைந்தபட்சம் 64 பக்கங்களில், 300 படிகள் அச்சிடப்பட்டிருக்க வேண்டும்.

இவ்வாறு நூலகத்திற்கென நூல்களை வாங்குவதால்தான் பல சிறிய பதிப்பகங்கள் தொடர்ந்து நூல்களைப் பதிப்பிக்கவும், உயிர்வாழவும் முடிகிறது.

எழுத்தாளர்கள் புகார்: அரசு சார்பில் பொது நூலகத்துறை நூல்கள் வாங்கும் நடைமுறைகள், தெளிவில்லாமல் இருப்பதாக எழுத்தாளர்கள் தரப்பில் புகார் கூறப்படுகிறது.

கடந்த 2006-ம் ஆண்டில் வெளியான நூல்கள் 2007 பிப்ரவரியில் பதிப்பாளர்களிடம் இருந்து பெறப்பட்டன. அவற்றில் குறிப்பிட்ட அளவு நூல்கள் தேர்வு செய்யப்பட்டு வாங்கப்பட்டன.

பல்வேறு துறை நூல்களை வாங்கிய நூலகத்துறை சிறுவர் நூல்களை வாங்கவில்லை என அனைத்திந்திய தமிழ் எழுத்தாளர்கள் சங்கம் புகார் தெரிவித்துள்ளது.

இது தொடர்பாக இந்த சங்கத்தின் பொதுச் செயலாளர் சுடர் முருகையா கூறியது:

""அப்துல் கலாம் உள்ளிட்ட அனைத்து தலைவர்களும் நாட்டின் எதிர்காலம் குறித்த தங்களது எண்ணங்களில் சிறுவர்களையே மையப்படுத்தியுள்ளனர். அப்படிப்பட்ட வருங்கால தலைமுறையினரின் எண்ணங்களை வலுவாக்க உருவாக்கப்படும் சிறுவர் நூல்களுக்கு உரிய முக்கியத்துவம் அளிக்க வேண்டியது அவசியமானது.

ஆனால், பொது நூலகத்துறை கடந்த ஆண்டு சிறுவர் நூல்களை வாங்குவதை தவிர்த்துவிட்டது. சிறுவர் நூல்கள் பொது நூலகங்களுக்கு வேண்டாம் என முடிவெடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதா என்பது குறித்தும் எந்த தகவலும் அறிவிக்கப்படவில்லை.

இது எழுத்தாளர்கள் மற்றும் பதிப்பகத்தாரிடம் அதிர்ச்சியை ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளது.

நூல்களை கோரும் போது இன்ன இன்ன விதிகளின்படி நூல்களை அனுப்ப வேண்டும் என பொது நூலகத்துறை அதற்கான விண்ணப்பத்தில் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளது.

குறிப்பிட்ட ஓர் ஆண்டில் எந்தெந்த துறைகள் தொடர்பான நூல்களை வாங்கப்போகிறோம் என்பதைத் தெளிவாக அறிவித்தால் அந்தந்த துறைகள் தொடர்பான நூல்களை மட்டும் பதிப்பகத்தினர் அனுப்புவார்கள். இவ்வாறு இல்லாமல், அனைத்து துறை சார்ந்த நூல்களையும் பெற்றுக் கொண்டு துறைகள் தொடர்பான எந்தவித வரையறையும் இல்லாமல் நூல்களை தேர்வு செய்வது இது போன்ற பிரச்னைகளுக்கு வழிவகுப்பதாக உள்ளது.

பொது நூலகத்துறைக்கு அனுப்பும் நூல்களில் சில நூல்கள் தேர்வு செய்யப்படாததுக்கான காரணங்களைத் தெரிவிக்க முடியாது என்றும் அதுபற்றி கேட்கவும் கூடாது என்றும் பொது நூலகத்துறை தெரிவிப்பது பிரச்னையை மேலும் வளர்ப்பதாக உள்ளது.

பொது நூலகத்துறையின் இத்தகைய நடவடிக்கை சிறுவர் இலக்கியம் புறக்கணிக்கப்படுகிறதோ என்ற சந்தேகத்தை எழுத்தாளர்களிடம் ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளது'' என்றார் சுடர் முருகையா.

அதிகாரிகள் பதில்: மக்கள் படிப்பதற்கு ஏற்ற தரமான நூல்கள் என்ற அடிப்படையில் மட்டுமே நூலகங்களுக்கு வாங்குவதற்கான நூல்கள் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்படுகின்றன என பொது நூலகத்துறை அதிகாரிகள் தெரிவித்தனர்.

துறைவாரியாக பிரித்து நூல்கள் தேர்வு செய்யப்படுவதில்லை என்றாலும், அனைத்து தரப்பு மக்களின் தேவைக்கு ஏற்ற நூல்களே தேர்வு செய்யப்படுகின்றன. இதில் குறிப்பிட்ட எந்த துறையையும் பிரித்துப் பார்ப்பது இல்லை. என்றாலும் நாங்கள் நூலகங்களுக்காக வாங்குவதற்குத் தேர்ந்தெடுத்த நூல்களில் சிறுவர் நூல்களும் இருக்கக்கூடும் என்றும் அதிகாரிகள் தெரிவித்தனர்.

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An interview with Deepak Gurung, President, GNLF Darjeeling Branch

DARJEELINGTIMESdotCOM - Darjeeling Hills' Only English News Magazine.

Will the Sixth Schedule Amendment Bill be passed in this Winter Session of the Parliament?

Absolutely, without a doubt. It is confirmed. It will be debated in the Lok Sabha and then in the Rajya Sabha and within the 7^th of December passed without a hitch.

The GJM delegation which has just returned from N. Delhi have suggested that the Bill has not been placed in the Standing Committee. They even claim to have met Susma Swaraj and BJP has said to have vowed to protest the Bill. What do you have to say to that?

What do they have to achieve by protesting the Bill. Let me tell you one thing, GJM is not serious about Gorkhaland itself. Can’t they understand that Sixth Schedule status is a step towards the achievement of Gorkhaland? They have even committed saying that the future Chairman would be Bimal Gurung. Gorkhaland would not have a place for a Chairman then what are they saying? That means they are actually vying for the Council by ousting Subash Ghisingh.

The Chief Minister has in the CPM Darjeeling District Conference in Dabgram said that Sixth Schedule was not a state within a state. What are your comments on that?

No, this can’t be. It is written in the Indian Constitution itself that Sixth Schedule is a state within a state. Whatever he might have said might have been due to his political obligations. He wants to remain safe in Bengal and that is why he must have said so.

The Chief Minister has also said that Gorkhaland will never be a reality. And that Darjeeling Hills will never be separated from Bengal. What are your comments on that?

That is wrong. I have read about it but I can’t believe that the Chief Minister have said so. If anyone can produce a video recording of the said statement then I will comment on it. The only paper that had produce this statement was the Nepali daily Sunchari and no other paper have so far written anything on this. The Sunchari itself clarified on this the next day. Sixth Schedule is a stepping stone towards Gorkhaland. Sixth Schedule will have Constitutional guarantee. Some people have remarked that Council had 19 departments and even Sixth Schedule will have 19 departments so what is the big fuss about the Sixth Schedule? What they cannot understand is that while the Council had only executive power, Sixth Schedule will have executive and legislative power. Financial benefits would be an added incentive. This is a great difference.

It has been alleged that Sixth Schedule is divisive and that it will break up the very fabric of the Gorkha society in castes and sub-castes. What are your comments on that?

Remember there have been tribal and non-tribal. This was there yesterday, is today and will be tomorrow. So how come all these fuss on being tribal and non-tribal. If there is any possibility of injustice against the non-tribal in the Sixth Schedule then let people come and point out that specific clause. Show me where in the Memorandum of Settlement non-tribals are not safe. 15 seats have been reserved for the non-tribals plus three seats have been kept free. These could either be made up from the General community or the tribal community. How has the people from the General community be deprived? Another issue that is being raised is in terms of property. This has been safeguarded under the 7.23 clause of the MOS and further 7.26 clauses non-tribals have been safeguarded in terms of property and other assets.

It has further been alleged that a rich tribal need not pay the taxes while a poor farmer from the general community would have to. Is this true?

This is entirely wrong. Every individual will get tax benefits. This has not been written anywhere in the Memorandum of Settlement.

Why has GNLF not reacted to the massive anti-Sixth Schedule sentiments raised by the opposition?

The Chairman has raised the issue of Gorkhaland on the 1^st of January in Goke. He had said that since the Council had not been able to fulfill the aspirations of the people, Gorkhaland was the only way out. There was a major political fervor in the Hills. When the Government responded by offering us Sixth Schedule status we accepted it as a stepping stone towards a full-fledged Gorkhaland. This happened between April – June 2005. The issue was discussed and nobody protested it. In fact, Ramudamu wrote to us a letter congratulated and offered his support for the Sixth Schedule. Madan Tamang from ABGL supported Sixth Schedule. A letter from CPRM offered similar support. CPIM, Congress and almost all parties supported us. Now when the agreement was made and the Bill is going to be passed why is everyone protesting Sixth Schedule. Why is every one associating Prashant with either Sixth Schedule or Gorkhaland? This should not be done and this is wrong. He is the pride of Gorkhas all over the world.

Eight political parties from the hills excepting GNLF and CPM have come together and are forging unified movement against GNLF. What are you doing in order to counter this move?

This is a democracy and every party has a right to do what it deems fit. Coalitions are and made and destroyed everyday in India. Do they however, have their own political ideology? They accepted Sixth Schedule yesterday but today when they have been prompted by some, they have come against it. What type of politics is this?

But is GNLF itself to be blamed for not educating the people enough on the benefits of the Sixth Schedule?

After the talk between the GNLF and the Government on the Sixth Schedule we organized so many political meetings, rallies and discussion all over the hills that it becomes all most impossible to talk about each one of them. Tika Khati who was then not in the Council wrote extensively on the Sixth Schedule. He even brought out a book. He wrote continuously for almost a year. Sadly, our people forget too soon. We have nothing to say vis-à-vis Mahendra P. Lama. He is a respected intellectual but he should not have indulged into politics. Even he has said that Sixth Schedule is good for the people.

It is alleged that the Chairman never responded to the suggestions made on the Sixth Schedule and signed on what was offered by the Sixth Schedule word to word. Is it so?

This is not true. A lot of things have to be taken care of.

After 20 years what has prompted GNLF to start a youth wing?

This has been felt in these two months when democracy has been lost to hooliganism in the Hills. In places like Tukver, youths are forcibly made to go against us. People interested in other political ideologies are kidnapped. People are forced into doing things what they don’t want to do; hence we have come to the decision that a youth wing be organized.

Does this mean that you have done so to counter GJM?

No. It is the job of the police to handle criminal and unruly elements in any party. We have organized this to protect to our people.

But why has the Chairman remained silent in this issue?

This is entirely wrong. After 2005 we were the one to dig down inside the pages of history and bring out the 1930 census where the entire population of Darjeeling Hills was declared to be tribal. This was the basis of our accepting the Sixth Schedule as this showed that indeed the entire population of the hills could become tribals. And in fact we immediately started the process of making the left-out communities tribals. None of the political parties came to us. People from the Centre and the State came. The Chairman himself went from Kolkata to Delhi fighting for our rights. Minority Commission and chairman of the Tribal Commission including the Culture Research Institute came to Darjeeling to consider the entire population as tribals in the basis of the 1930 census. This was the time to rectify the Sixth Schedule but today the Bill is being passed. We have tried our best to include all the communities in the Tribal quota. But now we will have to accept Sixth Schedule instead of delaying it and once we get it we can fight to include all the communities.

As per the appointing authority of the Council under the Sixth Schedule, it has been found in the Memorandum of Settlement that the Council will only have the power to appoint D grade or casual employees. Can you clarify on this?

Today 45 departments have come under the purview of the Council. We have executive, legislative, financial and administrative power over these departments. Which means that we could do a lot more - For example in education, the School Service Commission will come to us. We will also have the right to form laws in the 45 departments. We will have Directorates and appoint as per the need.

Will the powers of Panchayat be vested into the Council?

Both Municipalities and Panchayats will come inside the realm of Council and we will pass laws accordingly. People should not underestimate Sixth Schedule. Remember it was from Sixth Schedule status that Naga Hills became Nagaland and Mizo Hills became Mizoram. All we want to demand now is that Home Department be given to us. How will parties like GJM achieve Gorkhaland? They would require a no-objection from the state government and once achieving the same pursue the issue at New Delhi. But all they can do is challenge GNLF. All they want to do is remove Subash Ghisingh and replace him by Bimal Gurung.

It has been further alleged that the Chairman was a State appointee and not a mandated representative of the people when he signed the agreement. What do you have to say?

This is entirely wrong. We had the majority of 28 Councilors. In the 112 Panchayats we had 110 panchayats. All three MLAs were from GNLF.

GJM has been pursuing a writ petition at the Delhi High Court against the implementation of Sixth Schedule in the Hills, have this hampered you?

The question should in fact be asked to them. Has it been able to block Sixth Schedule in the Parliament? How much has it been affecting them?

AMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS :

BLOCK LEVEL ADMINISTRATION

க. பழனித்துரை

மத்திய பஞ்சாயத்து ராஜ் அமைச்சகம் சார்பாக ""பிற்படுத்தப்பட்ட பகுதி மேம்பாட்டுக்கான நிதி'' என்ற தலைப்பில் தில்லியில் அண்மையில் நடைபெற்ற கருத்தரங்கில் சிறப்புரை ஆற்றிய அமைச்சர் மணிசங்கர் அய்யர், அதிர்ச்சியளிக்கும் ஒரு தகவலைக் கூறினார். இந்தியாவில் உள்ள மிகவும் பின்தங்கிய 250 மாவட்டங்களில், வறுமையைக் குறைக்கவும் பஞ்சாயத்துகளுக்கு வலுவூட்டவும் தமது அமைச்சகத்தில் ரூ. 4,600 கோடி நிதி உள்ளது என்று அவர் கூறினார்.

இந்த நிதியைப் பயன்படுத்த மாவட்டத் திட்டக்குழுத் தலைவர்கள் வளர்ச்சித் திட்டத்தைத் தயாரித்துத் தரவேண்டும். இத் திட்டத்தில் இரண்டு முக்கியக் குறிக்கோள்கள் வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன.

ஒன்று - வறுமைக் குறைப்பு; மற்றொன்று - ஊராட்சியை வலுப்படுத்துதல். இதுவரை, ஒரு சில மாவட்டங்கள் மட்டும் 220 கோடி செலவு செய்து பணிகளை நிறைவேற்றியுள்ளன. எஞ்சிய தொகை செலவிடப்படாமல் அமைச்சகத்தில் அப்படியே இருக்கிறது என்பதுதான் அதிர்ச்சியான விஷயம்.

பணமிருந்தும் தேவை இருந்தும் ஏன் செலவிடப்படவில்லை என்றால், மாவட்டத்திற்கான திட்டத்தைத் தயாரித்துத்தர மாவட்டத் திட்டக்குழுக்களால் இயலவில்லை. இந்தப் புதிய திட்டம் பலருக்குப் புரியவுமில்லை. திட்டமிட்டுச் செயலாற்ற நம் பஞ்சாயத்துகள் இன்னும் தங்களைப் பழக்கப்படுத்திக் கொள்ளவில்லை.

உள்ளாட்சி அமைப்புகளிடமிருந்து திட்டங்களை வாங்கி மாவட்டத் திட்டக்குழு தொகுத்து மாநில அரசின் உயர்நிலைக் குழுவின் ஒப்புதலுடன் அனுப்பினால் குறைந்தபட்சம் ஒவ்வொரு மாவட்டத்திற்கும் ரூ. 15 கோடி வரை கிடைக்கும். அதேபோல் பஞ்சாயத்துகளை வலுப்படுத்த, தலைவர்களையும் அதிகாரிகளையும் பயிற்சியளித்துத் திறன் கூட்டுவதற்கு ஆண்டுக்கு ஒரு கோடி வீதம் ஆறு ஆண்டுகளுக்கு ரூ. 6 கோடி ஒவ்வொரு மாவட்டத்திற்கும் கிடைக்க வாய்ப்பிருக்கிறது.

அதுமட்டுமல்ல, ஒவ்வொரு மாவட்டமும் ஐந்தாண்டுக்கான திட்டத்தைத் தயாரிக்கும்போது மக்களின் தேவைகளையும் அரசாங்கத்தின் திட்டங்களையும் ஒன்றுசேர்த்து இணைத்துவிடலாம். இதன்மூலம் அரசுத்துறைகள், பஞ்சாயத்துக்கு செய்கின்ற பணிகள் அனைத்தையும் இத்துடன் இணைத்து விடும். அதுமட்டுமல்ல, பஞ்சாயத்துடன் சேர்ந்து வேலைசெய்யவேண்டிய கட்டாயத்திற்கு அரசுத்துறை அலுவலர்களும் வந்துவிடுவார்கள்.

வாய்ப்பிருந்தும் மாவட்டத் திட்டக்குழுத் தலைவர்கள் நிதி பெறுவதற்கும் பஞ்சாயத்துகளை வலுப்படுத்தவும் ஏன் பணியாற்றவில்லை என மணிசங்கர் அய்யர் அந்த நிகழ்ச்சியில் ஒரு கேள்வியை எழுப்பினார்.

மாவட்டப் பஞ்சாயத்துத் தலைவர்களுக்கு இத் திட்டம் பற்றிய விழிப்புணர்வு இல்லை என்பது புலனாகிறது. இந்த நிதியை எப்படியாவது தங்கள் மாவட்டத்திற்குக் கொண்டு சென்றுவிட வேண்டும் என்ற ஆவல் அனைவரது பேச்சிலும் தொனித்தது. பெரும்பாலான மாநிலங்கள் மாவட்டத் திட்டக்குழுக்களை வலுப்படுத்தவில்லை.

தமிழகத்தைப் பொருத்தவரை,

• திருவண்ணாமலை,
• கடலூர்,
• விழுப்புரம்,
• திண்டுக்கல்,
• நாகப்பட்டினம்,
• சிவகங்கை

ஆகிய மாவட்டங்கள் இந்தத் திட்டத்தால் பயன்பெறுபவை. ஒட்டுமொத்தமாக இந்த ஆறு மாவட்டங்களுக்கும் ரூ. 85.39 கோடி பணிகளுக்காகவும் ரூ. 36 கோடி பயிற்சிக்காகவும் ஒதுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. மொத்த ஒதுக்கீட்டில் ரூ. 120 கோடி தமிழகத்துக்கு வரவேண்டும்.
வட மாநிலப் பிரதிநிதிகள் பலர், விரைவில் இதற்கான திட்டத்தினை உருவாக்க முயற்சி செய்கிறோம் என்று உறுதியளித்தனர். அப்பொழுது குறுக்கிட்ட மணிசங்கர் அய்யர், இதுவரை 31 மாவட்டங்கள் திட்டங்களைத் தயாரித்து அனுப்பிவிட்டன என்றும் மத்தியப்பிரதேசம் போன்ற மாநிலங்களில் உள்ள மாவட்டத் திட்டக்குழுக்கள் மிக நல்ல திட்டங்களைத் தயாரித்துள்ளதாகவும் குறிப்பிட்டார்.

இப்படி மத்திய அரசு தரும் நிதியை,

• பஞ்சாயத்து அலுவலகக் கட்டட விரிவாக்கம்,
• இந்திரா குடியிருப்புத் திட்ட வீடுகளைப் பழுதுபார்த்தல்,
• பாலவாடி, அங்கன்வாடி கட்டடங்களைப் பழுதுபார்த்தல்,
• புதிய கட்டடம் கட்டுதல்,
• பள்ளிக் கட்டடங்கள் சீரமைப்பு,
• விளையாட்டு மேம்பாட்டிற்கு வசதிகள்,
• கழிப்பறை,
• சுற்றுச்சுவர்,
• மேஜை, நாற்காலி வாங்குதல்
• மதிய உணவு சமையலறைக் கட்டடம்

உள்ளிட்ட பணிகளுக்குப் பயன்படுத்தலாம் என விளக்கினார் அமைச்சர்.
மத்திய அரசு 99 வகையான திட்டங்களின் மூலம் செலவிடும் தொகை ரூ. 81,000 கோடி. இதே திட்டங்களுக்கு வாஜ்பாய் தலைமையிலான அரசு ஒதுக்கிய நிதி ரூ. 32,000 கோடி. இன்றைக்கு இந்தத் திட்டங்களில் 10 சிறந்த திட்டங்களின் மூலம் ஊரக வளர்ச்சி அமைச்சகம் கிராம அளவில் மேம்பாட்டுக்காகச் செலவிடும் தொகை ரூ. 65,000 கோடி என்பது குறைவான தொகை அல்ல.

இந்தத் தொகை முழு அளவில் பயனாளிகளைச் சென்றடைய வேண்டும். இந்த நிதி பஞ்சாயத்து மூலமாக மக்களைச் சென்றடைவதில்லை; துறைகள் மூலமாகவே செலவிடப்படுகின்றன. பின்தங்கிய மாவட்ட மேம்பாட்டு நிதித் திட்டத்தில், மாவட்டத்திற்கு ஒரு வளர்ச்சித் திட்டத்தை உருவாக்கி எல்லா அரசின் திட்டநிதிகளையும் இந்தத் திட்டத்திற்குள் கொண்டுவந்துவிட்டால், பெருமளவில் ஊழலைக் குறைத்துவிடலாம் என அரசு கருதியதால், இத்திட்டத்தை வலியுறுத்தி வருகிறது.

பின்தங்கிய மாவட்ட நிதியுதவி திட்டத்தின் நோக்கம் வறுமையைக் குறைப்பது மட்டுமல்ல; பஞ்சாயத்தையும் மாவட்டத் திட்டத்தையும் வலுப்படுத்துவதும்தான்.

கருத்தரங்கில் நிறைவுரை ஆற்றிய திட்டக்குழுத் துணைத்தலைவர் மாண்டேக் சிங் அலுவாலியா ""இந்தத் திட்டத்தின் அடிப்படையே மாவட்டத்தில் திட்டமிடுதல்'' என்ற வழக்கத்தை உருவாக்க வேண்டும் என்பதுதான் என்று கூறினார். கிடைக்கும் நிதியை முறைப்படி கிராமங்களிலும் நகரங்களிலும் பயன்படுத�